Showing posts with label education. Show all posts
Showing posts with label education. Show all posts

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Pull and push factors affecting school relocation in Singapore: the past and the present



Pull and push factors affecting school relocation

in Singapore: the past and the present

Jessie WONG Yuk Yong,

Independent Educational Researcher, Vancouver, Canada

HO Kwok Keung,

Senior Audit Analyst, Audit Commission of Hong Kong

TOH Kok Aun

Head, Science Education & Technology, National Inst. of Education, Singapore


Abstract

In history and at present, some schools have been and are still being relocated for one reason or another. Putting all the factors together and sorting them into categories: some are pull and some are push factors. Relocation of schools has seldom been fully documented and researched. One reason is, perhaps, there are a lot more other important issues in education that have more direct impacts on education, and on people than relocation business. This paper attempts to argue that school relocation deserves more serious attention than it has usually been given, and it affects the people as well as the education of the children as much as any other changes in education. It also seeks to unravel the theoretical and practical reasons, which influence the location and relocation of a school.

Taking the history of school relocation of some old schools in Singapore, especially those built in the late 19th and early 20th century, it can be noticed that these schools might have moved 3 to 7 times in history. Most of them have achieved a rather stable location today, unlikely to be subjected to relocate in the near future. It may be argued that these schools have arrived at an equilibrium stage. The reasons for relocation of these schools have been identified as mainly push factors, such as poor building, noise problem, congested environment and the lack of space for expansion. This paper also discusses the planned relocation of schools in Singapore today under the main program, called PRIME. It can be noticed that Singapore has developed a very neat system of education today, including its plans for school improvement, expansion, upgrading and relocation. The factors for school relocation are certainly different in the past and at present. However, we can certainly learn from the past to make future decisions regarding school relocation. An ideal school location is one that provides an ideal learning environment; relocating disturbs the whole school population. The final result of this study shows 6 categories of factors and their relationships with each other as shown in the outcome space diagram.

Introduction

There are many factors affecting a school to be relocated. Ho (1995) wrote about relocation of secondary schools in Hong Kong several years before and after 1990. He discussed relocation of schools at that stage as a result of urban planning and demographic change due to the rapid growth of urban centers and other geographical factors. On the broader sense, this kind of change is man-made and planned. The authors suspect that in most developed countries, relocation of schools is mainly under the charge of an administrative body such as the Ministry of Education. The instruction and plan to relocate a school, therefore also comes from this governing body. In the case of private schools, there are different rules governing the decision and process of relocation.

In the late 19th century, most schools in Singapore were privately owned. Relocation of these schools was therefore private issues, and mainly due to insufficient space, that a new school was badly needed. In this situation, the owner of the private school would apply for the school to be government aided in order to have enough funding to build a new school, usually resulting in relocation. The government would usually offer a new site, and thus the school was relocated. This was the common way to relocate a school in the old days, from the 1880s until Singapore’s independence in 1959. There was no case of overall planning to relocate all the schools requiring a new space and environment in those days. Most school relocations could be considered as pull and push factors arose in a piecemeal manner.

However, there were some programs and good activities associated with upgrading of schools in the three decades after 1960 (Powell, 2001). The Ministry of Education has been the body in charge of schools in Singapore since independence. The process to relocate a school is very different from the olden days.

Geographically, the relocation of schools, similar to the relocation of business, would follow the theory of relocation of cities in some ways. Decline in school going age population would force a school to close down or to relocate (Flemming, 1980). On the contrary, an increase of young population such as the growth of new towns, would generate new schools. Some of these new schools could also be old ones being relocated.

A new factor has recently affected the relocation of some schools in Singapore since 1999. This was the plan to provide information technology infrastructure to schools. It has never occurred before anywhere in this world that a perfect planning was drawn to rebuild, expand and relocate schools in order to provide up-to-date information technology infrastructure for teaching and learning. The results of the effect of such a planned relocation could be seen several years down the road. If this plan proves successful, it could add new knowledge leading to the future planning of school relocation for a specific purpose.

Brief history of the relocation of schools in Singapore

Relocation is not the main agenda in administering education in the State in any period of time. Historical records of some schools show evidence that relocation took place for several reasons: school expansion, increase in student number, forced out of urban development, lack of facilities e.g. building/classroom, congestion, noise problem, unsafe building, and government grant of new site for relocation.

In the brief history of educational development in Singapore, many policies were implemented, many issues resolved and many problems remain unresolved even after the Republic gained its independence in 1959. It was only the first major step to build more schools during this period (P.W.D., 1984, p.6). A five-year program based on the 1956 White Paper included the accelerated school building program with the objective of providing a place in school for every child of school going age (Yip and Sim, 1994).

After this period of expansion in building schools, providing a place for every child has never been a serious problem in Singapore again. On and off new schools were built to cater for the needs of the growth of population. It was a result of the establishment and growth of new townships throughout the last century. Occasionally, decisions were made to relocate some schools to better areas according to educational policies of that particular period. Older schools were also restored and new schools were built in some areas during this process. However, building of schools in a major way was never a necessity or a plan again. Only a few schools were relocated since the major expansion of school project in the 1960s. Lack of space, town planning, major change in urban demography were reasons for relocation.

Fairly recently, relocation of a few schools took place for the reason of moving the boys and girls school together; moving the junior and high schools, and junior colleges next to each other. It was a re-organization rather than a planned relocation. The reason for the move could be several, including the aim of providing more opportunities for these students to mix and learn from each other, as well as providing more chances for male and female students to mix with each other. There has been a serious national concern about too many young people staying single or marrying late. The long-term aim of school relocation in this case, is certainly positive to achieving this aim.

At the close of the 20th century, the challenge of information technology in education, a new concept in school relocation to reconstruct, merge or relocate schools in order to provide sufficient information technology infrastructure for each student in the nation has taken place (http://www.moe.edu.sg). In 1999, the Ministry of Education had a new 10-year plan to relocate and expand schools on the basis of upgrading and improving the information technology infrastructure. This most recent plan is affecting a considerable number (290, about 81% of the primary and secondary schools) of schools. It is a very well structured and planned, nation-wide reconsideration of closing, upgrading, expanding, merging, rebuilding and relocating schools (Powell, 2001).

Method

There was very little written about school relocation, even less on the factors affecting it. This is an historical cum phenomenographical study of factors affecting school relocation in Singapore. This study began by conducting a literature review on relocation of schools, then factors that affect relocation of cities and organizations that may also apply to the relocation of schools. A search on the history of education in Singapore was conducted with the main focus on the rebuilding and relocating factors. It was followed by a study of the details of the history of 8 selected schools, 5 of them were built between 1850 and 1890, 2 were built in the 1910s, and one relatively new school, built in 1956. They were randomly selected from all schools built before Singapore achieved its independence in 1959. Historical information was gathered from history books, school web-sites, as well as educational documents. This information was examined individually to tease out the factors affecting its relocation. Phenomenographic research methodology was applied to compare and group them in a hierarchical order. The outcome space diagram that represents the factors affecting school relocation in Singapore, forms the main result of the study.

Phenomenographic approach

Phenomenography is a qualitative research method. The approach aims to reveal different factors affecting the relocation of schools, in a similar way as it aims to reveal different ways in which people experience and understand phenomena in their world (Marton, 1988). This approach has usually been applied to analyze interviewed data concerning a phenomenon (Wong & Gerber, 2001). There is no reason why it can’t be used to analyze historical data.

This is the first time the authors believe it has been used to study historical data in a qualitative way. Combined with an historical research method, phenomenographic researchers experience historical information and analyze historical data to find out the number of ways in which the phenomenon is understood. There is no need for phenomenographic researchers to use a large sample for their study. They believe that whatever phenomenon people encounter, there is a limited number of ways in which it is understood. It is the categories of descriptions and the development of an outcome space diagram that demonstrates the relationships amongst these conceptions that constitute the main result of the study (Gerber, 1993).

Method of analysis

Dahlgren and Fallsberg’s (1991) approach of analyzing phenomenographic data was modified and used in this study. The following steps were followed:

1. Familiarization – the researcher read the historical accounts very carefully, to get acquainted with them in detail.

2. Condensation – the most significant statements in the records are selected to give a brief but representative version concerning the phenomena.

3. Comparison – the selected statements are compared to find sources of variation or agreement.

4. Grouping – answers which are similar are put together.

5. Articulating – a preliminary attempt is made to describe the essence of the similarity within each group. This will be done several times to establish credibility of the analysis.

6. Labeling – the various groups are being labeled.

7. Contrasting – the groups are compared for similarity and differences.

Results: relocation history of some old schools in Singapore

In this section, the authors wish to present a short summary of the relocation history of the eight schools studied as the basis to the background knowledge regarding these schools. Some old schools in Singapore have had as many as five to seven moves before sitting comfortably at the current location over its more than one hundred years of history. Newer schools built after independence have seldom been relocated.

Schools founded in the 19th century

1.Gan Eng Seng School

This school was an example of the old school which had moved seven times till today. It was opened in Telok Ayer Street in 1885 to offer free education to the children of poor parents in the vicinity. Mr Gan Eng Seng was the founder and owner of the school. It was first located in a shop-house. It became an aided school in 1888. In 1989, the government gave a site at Telok Ayer Street. It then moved from the shop-house vicinity to the actual school building in 1893. By 1937, the building was too old and could not be repaired. The plan to build a new school at Anson Road did not go ahead due to the war. In 1938, Gan Eng Seng School became a government school. In 1941 the old school was truly unsafe and had to be abandoned. Alternative accommodation was hard to find, but eventually the Education Department decided to house the school temporarily in the Sepoy Lines Malay School in Park Road, where it was given the morning session. There was still insufficient space, and the primary classes had to be accommodated in a section of Pearl's Hill School close by.

When the War broke out, the school was closed. It was reopened and relocated at Outram school after the war in 1946. In 1947, it was shifted to Waterloo Street. In May 1951, Gan Eng Seng was relocated to Anson Road. The school was again relocated in 1986 to the new building in Raeburn Park and officially opened in 1989. Since then, it stays there (http://www.schools.moe.edu.sg/gess).

2. Anglo-Chinese School

The school, opened in 1886, relocated five times in its history of 115 years. It was first located in a shop-house at 70, Amoy Street. Bishop William F. Oldham was the founder. It experienced an increase of student population from just 13 to 104 the following year. Therefore it had to move to a bigger building in the first Methodist Chapel established on Coleman Street then. The secondary school was moved to Cairnhill between 1925-1929. In 1947, Dr Herbert H. Peterson, the principal, embarked on an ambitious campaign to relocate the school from Cairnhill to Barker Road in 1950. After several decades, plans were drawn up for a new campus at Dover Road between 1987 and 1989. Anglo-Chinese School (Independent) was relocated to Dover Road in 1992. Anglo-Chinese Secondary School (Barher Road) remained at Barker Road. The Dover Road Campus was big enough for further expansion. With its new infrastructure and large land area, the school would not need to relocate for a long time to come (http://www.acs.ach.edu.sg)

3. St Andrew’s School

The school was started on Chin Chew Street in 1850. It was the work of two Anglicans. In 1862, the Anglican Church adopted the school. In 1863, it was relocated to Upper Hokkien Street due to the need for a better building and more space for expansion. In 1872, it became a grant-in-aid institution and moved to Victoria Street. The government gave 4 acres of land on the then Government Hill, with a frontage on Stamford Road. In 1875, the first building was ready and the school moved in. In 1934, this site was too small for the growing school. It was relocated to Woodsville. The school was closed in 1940 because of the war. It started again in 1946, a junior school was added. In 1978, a proper St. Andrew’s Junior college was opened in Woodsville. In the 1980s, the plan to develop Potong Pasir, with a 4.18 hectare site earmarked for education, gave St. Andrew’s School a chance to relocate its premise to a more spacious location. Thus the new St. Andrew’s Secondary School at Potong Pasir was opened in 1986. In a history of 151 years, St. Andrew has been relocated five times. Each move was to a better location. Today, its new campus has rooms for expansion for the time being, perhaps for another 10 years. ( http://www.saints.com.sg)

4. Fairfield Methodist School

The school has 113 years of history, founded in 1888 and located at Cross Street. It was known as Telok Ayer Girls’ School then. In 1912, the government provided a piece of land at Neil Road to construct a new school. The school was thus relocated to 178 Neil Road and was renamed as Fairfield Girls’ School. At the same location, the school was renamed as Fairfield Methodist Girls’ School again in 1958. Since the campus was inadequate and the facilities became substandard, Fairfield Methodist Girls’ School was then relocated to its Dover Road site and became co-ed. It was restructured under its new name, Fairfield Methodist Primary and Fairfield Methodist Secondary School. It has undergone a drastic expansion in 1990 at this location. This school has been relocated 3 times throughout history. It is believed that it will stay at its current address for many more years to come.

(http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/fmps/)

5. St. Anthony’s Canossian Secondary School

The school has a long history of 122 years. However, it has a different history of relocation from the other schools discussed so far. It has only moved one time from its first location at Middle Road to its current address at Bedok North Avenue 4. On the other hand, it has changed names several times. In 1879, it was known as St. Anna’s School, situated at Middle Road. It was changed to St. Anthony Boys’ and Girls’ School in 1886. In 1894, the boys’ and girls’ schools were separated. In 1906, it became St. Anthony’s Convent. In 1994, it was relocated to Bedok North Avenue 4, leaving behind the congestion and noise problem of Middle Road. (http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/sacc/)

Schools founded in the 20th century

1. Chinese High School

The school relocated only one time in its long history. It was first opened as Hua Chiao Middle School on 21 March 1919 at Niven Road. Six years later (1925), it was relocated to Bukit Timah Campus in a luxurious 79 acres of land, standing on a hill – one of the best locations for a school. It survived the Second World War, and continued to expand its infrastructure. Today it is one of the best-wired school in Singapore, with modern computer and telecommunication facilities. (http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/sch7309/)

2. Paya Lebar Methodist Girls’ School

In the initial years, it was a branch of Anglo-Chinese School in Boundary Road. It stayed in Boundary Road vicinity until 1930. It was moved to Kampung Sirah and then moved back two years later. The school was relocated to its brand new campus and premise at 296, Lorong Ah Soo in 1986. It is one of the most popular schools in Singapore, being excellent in all fields of education. It has moved 3 times in its history. There is no plan to relocate the school in the near future. (http://www.plmgss.moe.edu.sg/)

3. River Valley High School

It is a younger school that has been relocated 3 times. It was first opened at the premises of Seng Poh Primary School in 1956. It was the first Chinese school set up by the government, known as Singapore Government Chinese Middle School. In the same year, it was relocated to Strathmore Avenue in Queenstown, and changed its name to Queenstown Chinese Middle School. In 1961, it was relocated to Jalan Kuala, and renamed River Valley Government Chinese Middle School. The school achieved its name, River Valley High School in 1980. It was moved to its new campus at West Coast Road in 1986. It has a complicated history of changing names.

(http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/rvhs/)

The Outcome

The phenomengraphic analysis ensures a valid outcome of the phenomena under study, presented in an outcome space diagram. With all the historical information about the relocations of the 8 schools, many factors, both pull and push factors have had played a vital role in deciding when and where each school had been relocated. While all the factors differed from each other, they were associated to each other in some ways. And they could be grouped under just 6 different headings. These 6 groups are:

1. When/time factor

2. Urbanization and growth of the city

3. Ownership, change of status of the school

4. Unsafe building, for the better

5. Establishment of secondary school

6. Government planning/intervention

According to this study, these groups of factors represent the limited number of reasons why a school was relocated. It could be used as the basis of future study of factors affecting school relocation. The following outcome space diagram forms the main result of this study and shows the categories of factors and their relationships.

Insert Figure 1 here

There are 3 parts in the outcome space diagram. The main result is shown as the central column. It shows the 6 categories of factors affecting school relocation. They are organized from the lower or less complicated level to highly organized level. Therefore it begins with the time factor and ends with the factor related to government planning or intervention.

The time factor explains the location and relocation of a school as determined by time, by history, and by the advancement of society. Therefore in the early history of Singapore, schools were located and relocated around the city area. They experienced, over time, relocation further and further out of the city to its peripheral area. This can be explained as pure history. The city was where people lived, and therefore schools were located there. Level 2 is related to level 1. Soon after Singapore experienced growth and urbanization, the demand of land, congestion and noise problem as a result of progress and development, forced the existing schools in the city to move further and further away from the center.

Level 3 and 4 examines the social factors. When a school building became unsafe, the children had to be moved until the building was repaired and became safe again. It happened in early Singapore that the unsafe school was beyond repair, and the location too small for a new building, then the school had to be relocated. Sometimes, the school opted to be a grant-in-aid institution in order to rescue this situation, and resulted in a change of status. This could allow the government to offer a free site, which determined the location of the new school. The ownership of the school, for example, the missionary schools, had options of using missionary land, church and so on. In a way it determined the location and relocation of a school in the past.

Level 3 and 4 are social factors, therefore, it could also be located between level 1 and 2 in the outcome space diagram. There is no significant reason as to when these factors should affect the relocation of any school. Careful analysis of the 8 schools under study shows, however, that some of the schools had experienced unsafe buildings, and change of status and therefore received government’s free land for a new site before the schools were displaced out of the city as a result of urbanization. Therefore we should read the outcome space diagram in a flexible manner: the ordering of level 3 and 4 should be exchangeable with level 2.

Level 5 and 6 are factors associated with planning of the ministry of education or the government. The plan to establish a secondary school related to an existing primary school is usually planned by the government. This development occurred later in the history of a school. In the olden days, the Colonial Government did not have any comprehensive plans to relocate existing schools. However, there were several programs initiated by the Singapore Government in the 1970s and 1980s, which had resulted in some schools being relocated. The major plan, known as PRIME, which was fairly recent, has resulted in many schools being relocated. Therefore it is fair to say that Level 5 and 6 are more sophisticated factors involving large scale planning. Schools in Singapore are affected by these 2 factors to relocate only in more recent years.

The left column indicates whether a factor is categorized as pull or push factors. Pull factors are considered as an attraction to relocate. Push factors are considered as forcing the schools to relocate. Some factors are denoted with push and pull and some as push or pull. That means sometimes these factors are both push and pull factors, sometimes, they are either push or pull factors depending on the individual case.

The right column attempts to categorize the factors into 3 different categories. Level 1 and 2 are considered purely geographical; Level 3 and 4 are considered social, and level 5 and 6 are considered the results of government planning.

Arranging the factors in such a way in the outcome space diagram allows us to see the phenomenon of the factors affecting school relocation in a meaningful way.

Discussion and summary

By analyzing and synthesizing the history of school relocation in Singapore provides us a basis to argue that school relocation had not been given its due importance, and the knowledge on why schools had been relocated was not organized. There was irregularity of such discussions in the past (Ho, 1995). This paper has done the job to organize this matter in a way it should be. The result of this study has its importance. It provides new knowledge on factors affecting school relocation, which has never been fully documented. At a glance, it tells us that push factors were the major players resulting in a school being relocated in the past; pull factors are more dominant in modern decision for relocating an existing school.

It is common knowledge that a school is just an organization consisting of physical buildings and run by people. It can be relocated due to some reasons in the same way as a family or any other organization, moving from one place to another. Whether it existed in the past or present, a school is subjected to relocate at some point in time, due to some reasons. On the other hand, a school only exists where there are students. When a school is situated in a location faced with aging population and few children of school going age, it has to decide to close down or to relocate to a new place (Shaw, 1990). This is one thing that forces a school to relocate. It happens anywhere in the world throughout the history of education. This is called a dying school, just like a dying city when a city could no longer function as a city.

The 6 categories of factors revealed in this study had affected the relocation of schools in Singapore in the past. Some of the factors such as insufficient space for expansion, school buildings beyond repairable condition, bad environment (noises etc), urban development, etc. were more dominant in a less developed situation. Probably they are still the main factors affecting school relocation in the less developed areas of the world.

The situation in Singapore has changed dramatically since its independence. Not all schools today are near perfect, but the fact is that all schools provide a reasonable good learning environment. Some schools will still need to be relocated for some reasons, however, the overall situation is stable. The ministry of education launched the PRIME program in 1998. In a big way, this program will result in many schools to be relocated.

How many times is a school likely to move in its life-time of, say, about 100 years? This study concludes that there is no straight-forward answer to this question. An analysis of the history of school relocation in Singapore reveals that some old schools in Singapore had been relocated as many as five to seven times within a fairly short period of time. Then they appeared to be stable and remained in their sites for a longer period of time until today. Newer schools built in the 1970s and 1980s seemed to stay in their initial location for a longer period of time.

How frequently a school was relocated seemed to have a direct relationship with the time in history. In the earlier days, a school had to move within one or two years after it was set up. Then within another few years, it might move again. Not until the 1960s, then a school could remain in their site for 20 years or more before it needed to be relocated. One explanation for this is that a decision to relocate a school had been more and more carefully considered as time passed. A site for a school today would have to take consideration how long it could stay before there would be a need to relocate it to another site.

This study tries to answer several questions regarding school relocation in Singapore. It has certainly achieved its objectives. However, there is still scope for further study in this area.

References

Dahlgren, L. and Fallsberg, M. (1991). Phenomenography as a qualitative approach to social pharmacy research. Journal of Social and Administrative Pharmacy, 8(4), 150-155.

Fleming, M. (1980). School closing policy report. Ohio: Cleveland Public Schools. (ERIC document no. ED 191931)

Gerber, R. (1993). A sense of quality - qualitative research approaches for geographical education. In H. Jager, (ed) Liber Amicorum Gunter Niemz. Frankfurt Main: Johann Wolfgang Geothe University Press. pp. 38-51.

Ho, K.K. (1995). Relocation of secondary schools from the urban area: the Hong Kong experience. Hong Kong Educational Research Journal, Vol.10, No.1.

Marton, F. (1988). Phenomenography: exploring different conceptions of reality. In Fetterman (ed), Qualitative approaches to evaluation in education: the silent revolution. N.Y.: Praeger. Pp. 176-205.

Powell, R. (2001). Architecture of learning, new Singapore schools. Singapore: Akimedia.

Public Works Department (1984). 25 years of school building. Singapore: P.W.D.

Shaw, K.E.(1990). Financial aspects of school closure in the United Kingdom. Journal of Education Finance, 15, pp.558-571.

Wong, Y.Y.J., Gerber, R. (2001). Conceptions of self-directed learning of social studies teachers in Singapore. Asia Pacific Journal of Education. 21(1), pp. 75-87.

Yip, J.S.K. and Sim, W.K. (1994) Evolution of education excellence. Longman: Singapore.

http://www.acsbr.net

http://www.acs.ach.edu.sg

http://www.schools.moe.edu.sg/gess

http://www.saints.com.sg

http://www.moe.edu.sg

http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/sch7309/

http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/fmps/

http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/rvhs/

http://www.chs.edu.sg/main/ind2001/

http://www.plmgss.moe.edu.sg/

http://www.moe.edu.sg/schools/sacc/

Saturday, January 9, 2010

Who Actually Paid For My Education? - An Excerpt


Who Actually Paid for my Education?
[Originally published in 2000.by Atanu Dey ]


India suffers from very low literacy even compared to other developing countries. Yet one gets to hear about the tremendous impact that Indian doctors, engineers and scientists have had around the world. This conveys the impression that the Indian schooling system works. I believe that that impression is wrong and that in fact the Indian school system is inefficient and biased against the poor.

Free Education

I spent many years the Indian school system and I must admit that I received very good schooling. My eleven years in a pretty good high school in Nagpur was practically free. I was given a scholarship during my bachelor’s degree in engineering. At IIT Kanpur, while doing a master’s degree in computer sciences, I received a stipend which was sufficient to pay for all normal expenses. I estimate that my entire education in India, including a master’s in computer science, cost me less than US$ 100 in today’s terms.

How is it that a poor society can afford to educate its children for free? I come from a middle class family and I am sure we could have afforded more than that. I am also sure that if the education had been priced at full cost, we could not have paid for it up front. [There is a way to circumvent this problem. See "Full cost pricing" at the end of this page.]

Someone else paid for my education. That is true for a very large number of people who are educated in India’s premier institutions–someone else paid.

Nagpur is a medium-sized city by Indian standards. It has a bunch of good high schools. You have to have a middle-class or better background to get into those because competitive pressures keep the poor out. But if you get in, and don’t goof off too much, you can do well in the competition for admission into a good engineering or medical college. And then you get heavily subsidized education in college. Armed with all the advantages, you fill out a bunch of applications, write the GRE and the TOEFL and off you go to the US, never to return.

Brain Drain

It was fashionable in the 1970s and 80s to refer to the migration of trained doctors, scientists and engineers to the advanced industrialized countries as a “brain drain.” Actually, it was a “resource drain” rather than a “brain drain.” India never really had a shortage of basic brains. There are hundreds of millions of basic brains in India. However it takes resources to train a basic brain and turn it into a useful brain. These scarce resources are lost to the economy when used to train brains that eventually migrate.

Just like capital flight from poor economies to the rich ones, the migration of trained manpower, human capital flight, is enormously expensive. It is an even more of a burden when the training is publicly funded. When a trained engineer migrates to the US, it is totally indistinguishable from a gift of US$ 100,000 from India to the US. Over the years, the total implicit subsidy from India to the US could be estimated to be of the order of hundred billion dollars.

Losses

When an educated person leaves India, there is a first-order loss to the economy if the education was publicly funded. There is no comparable first-order loss if private resources were involved in the training. But in either case, the economy loses the life-time stream of economic contributions that the migrant would have made. This is a second-order loss. There is what can be considered a third-order loss that is harder to estimate but whose impact may be the most damaging in the long run. This arises from publicly subsidizing higher education at the expense of primary education.

Primary education, somewhat like primary health care, has characteristics of what economists call a “public good.” The positive effects of primary education spill over into the larger economy more than that of higher education, which is more like a private good. Markets efficiently provide optimal quantities of private goods but are known to under-provide public goods. The market understandably fails in the case of primary education. The solution is straightforward: the public subsidy of primary education.

The essential point is that the subsidizing higher education is an inefficient use of resources which could have been used for primary education. And this distorted system has real-world consequences: the shameful neglect of primary education.

Dismal Statistics

The Indian constitution mandates universal primary education for all (see Article 8 of the Indian Constitution). Yet, 41% of children do not reach grade 5 in India. Compare that to some other countries:

Gambia 20%
Mali 18%
Senegal 15%
Tanzania 17%
Burkina Faso 25%


[Source: Human Development Report 1999. UNDP.]

Of the countries that rank lower than India in the human development index, only about four have higher percentage of children that do not reach the fifth grade. Mozambique does worse than India, for instance. But never mind small strange sub-Saharan African countries. Take Indonesia for example: only 11% of its children don’t go past the fifth grade. Or take Mexico with its 14% figure. Compare India with neighboring Sri Lanka with its 17%.

The failure of Indian primary education is hard to escape. Sixty years after India’s political independence, India is places 126th out of 175 countries ranked in the 2006 Human Development Report. India’s adult literacy rate is a dismal 61%, below Cameroon (68%), Angola, Congo, Uganda (67%), Rwanda (65%), and Malawi (64%). That 40% of today’s Indian adults cannot even “both read and write a short, simple statement related to their everyday life” implies that they did not get the equivalent of the most basic of primary education. Compare that to China’s 90% adult literacy. [Source: UNDP Human Development Report.]

Successful NRIs

The argument is often advanced that the Indian education system must be world-class. After all, doesn’t it produce world-class NRIs (non-resident Indians) like Vinod Khosla and Rajat Gupta? Yes, of course. And don’t they turn around and give millions of dollars to support the IITs? Yes, of course. Sure the NRIs send some money home. But what is the ratio of the amount India spends on their education to what these worthies send back home?

Even then, who could be so crass as to measure everything in terms of dollars? Surely there is something more important than money. Yes, there is. And it is the untapped human capital that India has in abundance and which it criminally neglects. It neglects them because the powers that be have it made under the current system and it serves their narrow purposes.

In practically every measure of education, India’s rank is so abysmal that it is depressing to even look at the figures. Even if the solution to India’s education problems were as little as a week’s worth of clean drinking water, India would still be in trouble. Around 60% of Indians don’t have access to clean drinking water.

For all our vaunted world-class scientists, doctors and engineers, India ranks miserably in the number of scientists and technicians it has: 0.3 such per 1,000 population. Compare that to: China 0.6, Islamic Rep of Iran 0.7, South Africa 1.7, Korea 2.9.

Hyperbole and Hubris

We in India lack many things. One thing appears not to be in short supply–the hyperbole and the capacity for self-delusion. We have pretences of being an information superpower. Our IT sector is supposed to make us great. It stretches the imagination beyond belief that this idea can be entertained by anyone. We account for less than 1% of the global $600 billion IT business. Remember we represent 17% of the world’s population. Even if we were to increase our share 10 times (and this is unreasonable by any account) we’d still be below the world average.

Judging the Indian education system based on a Chandrashekhar or a Ramanujan is misguided and delusional. It is like weighing a pinch of mustard seeds against a herd of elephants and declaring that the mustard weighs more. How do we manage to delude ourselves so? I believe that those doing the judging live in very rarified atmospheres. Their world is populated by jet-setting intellectuals and internet millionaires and H1-B visas and ecommerce and NRIs. Hard evidence to the contrary, it is more comforting to believe that we are not that badly off.

Is there any point in confronting the hard evidence, you may ask. Yes, there is. Unless we recognize the basic problem, examine it dispassionately, we are unlikely to even consider solving the problem. In a sort of defense through denial, we can go on with business as usual by declaring the problem does not exist. But the problem does exist. And the problem is not one that does not have wide ranging implications. The most devastating impact of our dismal educational system is that we are condemning ourselves to a future of exceedingly low economic development. If there is one thing that developmental economists have learnt, it is this: education is the most important factor in economic growth. Education has more impact on economic growth than natural resources, foreign investment, exports, imports, whatever. Neglect education and you may as well hang yourself and save yourself the pain of a slow miserable death.

So who paid for my education? It is the poor rural children, thousands of them, who paid for my education by losing their opportunity to become semi-literate. The system is tilted against them and unless there is a radical change in the way that education is funded, they will continue to pay the price for subsidizing the US for decades to come.

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FULL COST PRICING

A brief solution to the problem of full-cost pricing is easy to state. Price all higher education at full cost. If a year of engineering school costs Rs 3 lakhs, price it at that. Then give loans to every student that needs it to pay the price. The loan is repayable upon employment and in terms commensurate with the level of employment. If you earn big dollars in the US, pay in big dollars. If you work as a doctor in a small village in India, pay small amounts in rupees. Essentially, with the loan system in place, there is no need for public subsidies for higher education.

Thursday, May 28, 2009

Private sector participation in delivery of education in Nigeria - an excerpt



Private sector participation in delivery of education in Nigeria
By Peter Okebukola
Published: Thursday, 28 May 2009
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The story of education in Nigeria is the story of private sector stimulated delivery. In 1843, the first primary school opened its doors to children in Badagry. It was owned by Methodist missionaries. It was also Christian missionaries who flagged off secondary education with the establishment of C.M.S Grammar School in Lagos in 1859. Predating these events was the establishment of private Koranic schools in the north. By 1999, private participation in higher education took an upward swing.

The provision by the colonial government of public primary and secondary schools trailed the missionary efforts. By 1914, when the northern and southern protectorates were amalgamated, there were 59 government and 91 mission primary schools in the south; all 11 secondary schools, except for King‘s College in Lagos, were run by the missions. By the 1920s, the pressure for school places led to increased number of independent schools financed by local efforts. Since independence, there has been a flurry of desire to provide increased access to education through the establishment of schools. This paper proposes a framework for enhancing the efficiency of private participation in education in Nigeria in line with international best practices and in the march towards attaining Vision 20-2020.

Private individuals, communities, corporations, foundations, and religious bodies constitute the major private sector elements providing basic, post-basic and higher education in Nigeria. The increasing loss of confidence in public education has stimulated the growth of private schools. The belief is widely held that private primary and secondary education assures placement in choice higher education institutions and courses. Today, private schools enjoy a respectable market share of students in the education sector especially at the basic education level. The comparative percentage enrolment in public and private schools in Nigeria in 2008 for all levels of the educational system show that over 90 per cent of early childcare and development education (pre-primary) institutions are private. At the basic, post-basic and higher education levels, private shares are 8 per cent; 21 per cent and 19 per cent respectively.

The national figure reports show that about eight per cent of schools in the basic education sub-sector are private, about a fifth of basic education schools in Lagos State are privately owned. Also the fewer private polytechnics/monotechnics and colleges of education lowered the national private-sector ownership of tertiary institutions to 19%. It is noteworthy that a third of the universities in Nigeria today are private. Of the 95 universities, 34 are privately-owned.

Government take-over of mission schools in many states in the mid-1970s translated into gradual depreciation in quality. St. Malachy‘s College, Sapele, my alma mater, originally owned by the Catholic mission, stood tall in academic profile in the then Mid-West. Moral and discipline tones were exemplary. Decades after government took over, the school slumped into shameful decay. From 1999, finding the burden too heavy to bear, a number of state governments began handing back the schools to their original owners and encouraging the private sector to partner more vigorously in the delivery of quality education at all levels.

Over the years, private schools have emerged worthy competitors and collaborators with public schools. In league with public schools, private schools have provided a window of expanded access especially for those who can afford to pay for their services. Healthy competition has also been fostered.

The strengths of private schools are in five major areas. First (not in any order), they outclass their public counterparts in academic performance. In end-of-course examinations such as the Senior School Certificate Examination and national assessments such as the FGN/UNESCO/UNICEF Monitoring of Learning Achievement studies, private school students perform better than their public-school counterparts. Second is the stability of the academic calendar. Whereas public schools are caught in the web of teacher strikes and disruption to the school calendar, private school teachers can ill-afford strikes.

The third strength of private schools is the discipline tone, especially of staff. A consternation of characteristics arises from this high discipline tone. These include punctuality to work, regular attendance, and greater degree of productivity. Fourthly, pupil attendance is better in private schools. Of course, having paid the typically high tuition, parents will ensure that their children and wards are in school to justify the investment. Fifthly is the high degree of efficiency and accountability.

We turn next to the weaknesses of private schools. Many private basic and post-basic schools underpay their workers. In Lagos, a graduate teacher with five-years experience earns, on the average, about N18,000 per month. Regularity of payment of such meagre salary is also not assured. The public school counterpart earns about N25,000. This unattractive pay regime throws up another weakness of private schools- preponderance of unqualified teachers. A proprietor desirous of maximising profit engages poorly-qualified and inexperienced staff.

There is also the matter of examination malpractice. It is claimed that examination malpractice is more prevalent in private schools. This is in an attempt to woo parents by ensuring at all cost, that students do well in school and public examinations. Most private basic education schools in rural areas do not have enough students. At the higher education level, low-level patronage of many private universities has been decried. Irregular payment of fees by students makes it difficult for many private schools to function effectively. Staff salaries suffer delays and provision of facilities such as laboratories, workshops, library, hostels, recreation centres, playing field, auditorium and classrooms is compromised.

Nigeria is on the march towards being one of the world‘s 20 leading economies by 2020. In order to sharpen the teeth of the private sector in the delivery of quality education, the following are proposed for adoption from international best practices:

In all countries of the world where private-sector delivered education thrives successfully, minimum standards are set and monitored for compliance by national or regional (state-level) quality assurance agencies with mandate established by law. It is important to stress this legal provision since examples abound where private providers are quick to take to court, the authorities which clamp down on their unwholesome activities exploring the loophole that such authorities lack legal locus standi. Minimum standards should be set for facilities, human resources, curriculum and management. It has been canvassed by a large segment of the Nigerian society that an upper limit of tuition should be set for private institutions especially universities. This is contradictory to the spirit of a deregulated economy.

The kernel of the quality assurance process is monitoring and fearless application of sanctions to providers who offer service below minimum standards. The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control-like and National Universities Commission-like approach of unannounced visits and closing down erring private institutions is strongly recommended. To be discouraged is the subsisting practice where Ministry of Education officials in states, as often claimed, after collecting ”brown envelopes,” look the other way on visiting a poor quality private school.

Within the ambit of quality assurance is accreditation. It is recommended that all private schools from basic to higher education should be processed through a scheme of institutional accreditation. This will certify the degree of fit of the entire institution with the quality desired for optimal performance. Institutional accreditation should be conducted once in 10 years for private schools at all levels of our education system.

A status of full accreditation means that the private school meets set minimum standards in facilities, human resources, curriculum, curriculum delivery and management.

This school is ”good to go” for the next ten years when it again, falls due for re-accreditation. If deficient in one of the areas, the institution earns ”interim institutional accreditation” and has two years to correct the deficiencies, failing which it regresses to the third accreditation status, which is denied accreditation.

An institution with denied accreditation should stop admitting students until it gets out of the relegation zone. If after five years, the deficiencies are not remedied, the school is closed down.

When applications are received from prospective providers, these should be worked through a rigorous approval process. On approval, these schools are listed in the register of approved schools. This register should be widely circulated and regularly updated. Summary closure should be applied to schools that are not in the register. It is gladdening that in all states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, there exists an application and approval scheme for private schools. What is deficient is the rigour of the approval process which should be strengthened. The model of the National Universities Commission for approval of new private universities which has been adopted in many African countries is strongly recommended.

A database of all staff and students in approved private schools in Nigeria is a worthy venture. It is common practice for private schools to run ”tutorials” and set up study centres, ostensibly for remedial training but in practice, to aid and abet cheating in examinations conducted especially by the West African Examination Council and the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board. This database will expose the fraud. The database, alongside the register, will be important documentation for the quality assurance agencies.

Government grant-in-aid: In the last 10 years, a strident clamour has been made for government supplementary funding through the Education Trust Fund for private providers. Grant-in-aid by government to private schools is not new. Indeed it was the vogue for over 120 years since western-type education was introduced in 1843. This call has merit as the overall goal is for quality products from public and private schools alike to drive the Nigerian economy. However, this argument flies in the face of another argument which fails to support the pegging of fees by government in private schools in a deregulated economy. The right road to travel on the matter is allowing governmental regulation of fee regime in private schools to be supplemented by grant-in-aid through ETF.

The burgeoning numbers of Nigerian youth will want education at all levels. Nigeria‘s literacy rate, currently about 68 per cent needs to be improved. We want to achieve Education for All goals and the Millennium Development Goals both demanding accelerated provision of educational opportunities. There is no way government at the local, state and federal level can provide, at no cost, all the education that people will need throughout life. The contributions of the private sector will continue to be needed. Policies that will ensure consumer protection and reduce asymmetry between what is paid as fees and what the learner derives from private schools need to be put in place in the years ahead. A call on the National Assembly to enact relevant laws on private participation in higher education will appear to be a good point to close this paper.