American White Christmas - An Excerpt

Conditions Ripe for a White Christmas
Paul Yeager Special to Sphere
(Dec. 11) -- The weather might seem complex, but the recipe for snow isn't as complicated as the recipe for Grandma's fruitcake. All that's needed is cold air and precipitation, and both look potentially abundant throughout the rest of the month, leading to the possibility of a more widespread white Christmas in 2009 than in recent years.

The likelihood of a white Christmas is always high -- greater than 75 percent -- in the northern tier of the country and in the mountains of the West. However, the presence of an El Niño and the threat of colder-than-normal weather will increase the chances of a white Christmas in the Deep South and along the Eastern Seaboard.

The cold air part of the snow recipe has been predicted by computer models that we meteorologists use to help with long-range forecasts. The coupled forecast system, a U.S. government forecasting model, has consistently predicted (since November) that temperatures in the entire eastern half of the country, including the Deep South, will be 1 to 3 degrees colder than normal in December, and it's currently forecasting cold weather for most of the nation for the remainder of the month.

Cold air without storms won't result in snow, of course, but storms combined with cold air might. And storms are more likely than normal where the cold weather is forecast because of a strengthening El Niño. An El Niño is when sea surface temperatures in the equatorial Pacific are warmer than normal, and the moisture and energy from this warm ocean water promotes a storm track across the southern part of the United States. These storms often turn northward along the East Coast.

This weather pattern has already borne fruit (snow, actually) in Southern and Eastern climes. December snow has fallen in El Paso, Dallas and Houston in Texas, as well as in parts of Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia. Snow has also fallen in much of the Northeast. The southern storm track remained active this week, producing the recent coast-to-coast powerhouse of a storm; it originated in California.

So when you mix these ingredients, the current weather pattern might mean fewer people will only "dream" of a white Christmas this year. They'll actually be able to shiver in the cold, spend more time stuck at the airport and drag slush onto Grandma's carpet.
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An Excerpt :

Philippine Volcano Forces 20,000 to Evacuate
Jim Gomez - AP
MANILA, Philippines (Dec. 15) -- Authorities moved thousands of villagers from harm's way near the Philippines' most active volcano Tuesday after it oozed lava and shot plumes of ash, and said they probably would spend a bleak Christmas in an evacuation center.

State volcanologists raised the alert level on the cone-shaped, 8,070-foot Mayon volcano overnight to two steps below a major eruption after ash explosions and dark orange lava fragments glowing in the dark trickled down the mountain slope.

Nearly 50,000 people live in a five-mile radius around the mountain, and authorities began moving thousands of them in case it erupts, Albay provincial Gov. Joey Salceda said.

More than 20,000 people were evacuated to safety by nightfall Tuesday, Salceda said, adding he has placed central Albay province, where Mayon is located, under a "state of imminent disaster," which will make it easier for him to draw and use emergency funds.
The Philippines ordered the evacuation of 20,000 people after the Mayon volcano increased activity on Tuesday, shooting plumes of ash into the air.

"Whatever the volcano does, our target is zero casualty," Salceda told The Associated Press.

Albay province lies about 210 miles southeast of Manila.

Salceda said he had decided to cancel a trip to Copenhagen, where he was to attend the U.N. climate conference to discuss his province's experience with typhoons and other natural disasters.

He said he would appeal for foreign aid to deal with the expected influx of displaced villagers to emergency shelters.

The first of 20 vehicles, including army trucks, were sent to villages to take residents to schools and other temporary housing, provincial emergency management official Jukes Nunez said.

"It's 10 days before Christmas. Most likely people will be in evacuation centers, and if Mayon's activity won't ease down we will not allow them to return to their homes," Nunez said. "It's difficult and sad, especially for children."

Although the alarm has been sounded, life throbbed normally in many laid-back farming villages near the restive volcano. Throngs of farmers flocked to the town hall in Guinobatan, which lies near the danger zone, for a Christmas party, then headed home bearing gifts.

Village leader Romeo Opiana said the 249 residents in his farming community of Maninila, near the volcano, readied packs of clothes but no one had left. An army truck was parked nearby, ready to haul people if the threat grows.

"We're ready, but we're not really alarmed," said Opiana, 66. He could not remember how many times he had seen Mayon's eruptions since childhood.

Magma had been rising at the volcano over the past two weeks and began to ooze out of its crater Monday night, but it could get worse in coming days, said Renato Solidum, head of the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology.

"It's already erupting," Solidum told the AP. He said the volcano had so far only gently coughed out red-hot lava, which had flowed half a mile (half a kilometer) down from the crater.

Some classes were suspended indefinitely near the danger zone. Officials will find a way to squeeze in classes in school buildings to be used as shelters, Salceda said.

Residents in Albay are used to moving away from Mayon, which spewed ash last month and prompted the evacuation of some villages.

About 30,000 people were moved when it last erupted in 2006. Typhoon-triggered mudslides near the mountain later that year buried entire villages, killing more than 1,000 people.

Mayon's most violent eruption, in 1814, killed more than 1,200 people and buried a town in mud. A 1993 eruption killed 79 people.

The Philippines lies along the Pacific "Ring of Fire," where volcanic activity and earthquakes are common. About 22 out of 37 volcanos in the archipelago are active.

Associated Press writer Hrvoje Hranjski contributed to this report.

Ferdinand Edralin Marcos - a biography ( An Excerpt)

Ferdinand Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917–September 28, 1989) was the tenth President of the Philippines, serving from 1965 to 1986. As president, he instituted an authoritarian regime that allowed him to stay in power. He was removed from office by the peaceful EDSA Revolution in 1986.

Ferdinand Marcos was born in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to Mariano Marcos, a lawyer, and Josefa Edralin, a teacher. He was of Malay, Chinese, and Japanese ancestry.
In 1937, when he was still a law student at the University of the Philippines, Marcos was indicted for the assassination of Assemblyman Julio Nalundasan, one of his father's political rivals. Marcos was convicted in November 1939, but on appeal, he argued his case before the Philippine Supreme Court and was acquitted the following year. In U.P., Marcos was a member of the Upsilon Sigma Phi. After graduation, he became the top-notcher of the 1940 Philippine bar examinations.

During World War II, Marcos served as an officer in the Philippine Armed Forces. Captured by the Japanese, he survived the Bataan Death March towards Central Luzon and then escaped. As an officer, he was awarded with medals, though his biography written by Hartzell Spence greatly exaggerated the truth. Marcos' subsequent claims of being an important leader in the Filipino guerrilla resistance movement were a central factor in his later political success, but U.S. government archives later revealed that he actually played little or no part in anti-Japanese activities during the war.

From 1946 to 1947, Marcos was a technical assistant to President Manuel Roxas. He became a member of the House of Representatives (1949-59) and of the Senate (1963-65). He also became the president of the Senate from 1962 to 1965). In 1954, he married Imelda Romualdez who later helped him in his successful campaign for the presidency.

After failing to garner the nomination as presidential candidate of the Liberal Party, Marcos joined the Nacionalista Party and gained their nomination. Marcos and his running mate Fernando Lopez defeated the incumbent president Diosdado Macapagal and Genaro Magsaysay of the Liberal Party in a landslide victory in the 1965 presidential election.

In 1937, when he was still a law student at the University of the Philippines, Marcos was indicted for the assassination of Assemblyman Julio Nalundasan, one of his father's political rivals. Marcos was convicted in November 1939, but on appeal, he argued his case before the Philippine Supreme Court and was acquitted the following year. In U.P., Marcos was a member of the Upsilon Sigma Phi. After graduation, he became the top-notcher of the 1940 Philippine bar examinations.
During World War II, Marcos served as an officer in the Philippine Armed Forces. Captured by the Japanese, he survived the Bataan Death March towards Central Luzon and then escaped. As an officer, he was awarded with medals, though his biography written by Hartzell Spence greatly exaggerated the truth. Marcos' subsequent claims of being an important leader in the Filipino guerrilla resistance movement were a central factor in his later political success, but U.S. government archives later revealed that he actually played little or no part in anti-Japanese activities during the war.

From 1946 to 1947, Marcos was a technical assistant to President Manuel Roxas. He became a member of the House of Representatives (1949-59) and of the Senate (1963-65). He also became the president of the Senate from 1962 to 1965). In 1954, he married Imelda Romualdez who later helped him in his successful campaign for the presidency.

After failing to garner the nomination as presidential candidate of the Liberal Party, Marcos joined the Nacionalista Party and gained their nomination. Marcos and his running mate Fernando Lopez defeated the incumbent president Diosdado Macapagal and Genaro Magsaysay of the Liberal Party in a landslide victory in the 1965 presidential election.

As President
His first term in office showed a lot of promise, building on the relatively robust economy by developing the country's infrastructure and intensifying tax collection.
He liberalized trade with the free world, hastening the industrialization of the Philippines. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient in food, especially in rice. Marcos also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone.

Throughout his 20-year tenure, Marcos maintained a close alliance with the United States and was a close friend of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and Lyndon Johnson. He launched major military campaigns against Communist New People's Army and Moro insurgents. He was an outspoken critic of communism. He sent forces to Vietnam to assist the Americans, as well as medical teams to do humanitarian work.
He was re-elected in 1969, along with Fernando Lopez, becoming the first president of the Republic of the Philippines to be elected to a full second term.
In 1971, Marcos called for a Constitutional Convention for the purpose of revising the 1935 Constitution. The Convention was composed of 321 elected delegates headed by former Presidents Carlos P. Garcia and Diosdado Macapagal. However, the Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from staying in power under a new constitution.

Marcos' second term was marked by increasing civil strife known as the "First Quarter Storm." After a series of bombings in Manila claimed to have been carried out by the New People's Army of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Marcos warned of imminent Communist takeover. On September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081, he declared martial law over the entire country, thereby extending his term indefinitely. By 1973, he had assumed dictatorial control—ushering in a so-called constitutional authoritarianism.

Martial Law
His vision of a "Bagong Lipunan (New Society)"—similar to the "New Order" that was imposed in Indonesia under dictator Suharto—was pursued during the martial law years. It was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society, and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by oligarch families and distributed them to small-time crony businessmen. More often than not, those Marcos cronies took over the said businesses and used them as fronts to launder proceeds from graft and corruption. In the end, some of Marcos' cronies used them as 'cash cows'. "Crony capitalism" was the term used to describe this phenomenon. Marcos also curtailed press freedom, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately-owned lands and distributed them to farmers. In this way, Marcos abolished the old oligarchy - but in turn, created a new one. The old oligarchy, such as the Lopezes who owned the largest TV network then (ABS-CBN) which Marcos seized, would become a thorn in the

The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented. The country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970's in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule towards the end of martial law. Political oppositionists were given the opportunity to go into exile. But as martial law dragged on for the next nine years, excesses as well as graft and corruption by the military emerged, as made manifest by the Rolex 12.
Return of formal elections and the end of martial law
On April 7, 1978, the first formal election (instead of referenda) in the Philippines since martial law was called by Marcos for the Interim Batasang Pambansa (National Assembly). The Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement), headed by First Lady Imelda Marcos, would take 151 of the 161 seats available. None of the members of Ninoy Aquino's LABAN party was elected. Only two regional opposition political parties gained elective seats in the 1978 election: the Pusyon Bisaya of Francisco Tatad which gained 13 elective seats and the Mindanao Alliance of Homobono Adaza, Ruben Canoy and Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. which gained only one seat. As a result, LABAN denounced the administration, alleging massive cheating. LABAN boycotted the 1980 local elections. LABAN, along with other political parties, would also boycott the 1981 National Elections. Marcos himself served two concurrent posts from this period until the lifting of martial law in 1981 which was both President and interim Prime Minister.

On January 17, 1981, martial law was formally lifted by virtue of Proclamation No. 2045, as a precondition for the visit of Pope John Paul II. Marcos stepped down as Prime Minister and ran for re-election for president with virtually no opposition. Most of the opposition parties boycotted the elections after the 1978 elections. Only the Nacionalista party fielded a candidate against Marcos, and it was out of constant pressure from the incumbent. Retired Gen. Alejo Santos ran against Marcos, but Marcos garnered 91.4% of the vote while Santos only got 8.6%. Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million votes, thus constitutionally allowing him another six-year term, running through 1987. Cesar Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.

Economic changes under the Marcos Administration
To hasten economic development, President Marcos implemented a number of economic programs. These programs helped the country to enjoy the period of economic growth from the mid-1970s until the early 1980s. The farmers were given technical and financial aid and other incentives such as "price support". With the incentives given to the farmers, the country's agricultural sector grew. As a result, the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice in 1976 and even became a rice exporter.
To help finance a number of economic development projects, such as infrastructure, the government engaged in borrowing money. Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent to seven percent from 1970 to 1980. The rate was only less than 5 percent in the previous decade.

The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. The number of tourists visiting the Philippine rose to one million by 1980 from less than 200,000 in previous years. The country earned 26 billion pesos. A big portion of the tourist group was composed of Filipino balikbayans (returnees) under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.

Another major source of economic growth of the country was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers found employment in the Middle East, Singapore and Hong Kong. These overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned much-needed foreign exchange for the Philippines. A big portion of the annual earning of the country was allocated to the payment of annual interest on loans.

The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed scared off tourists. The political troubles also hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.
In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.

However, the economy experienced negative economic growth beginning in 1984 and continued to decline despite the government's recovery efforts. The recovery program's failure was caused by rampant graft and corruption within the government and by Marcos' lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to the Kilusang Bagong Lipunans campaign funds.

Downfall of Marcos
During these years, his regime was marred by widespread corruption and political mismanagement by his cronies, which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr.. Marcos can be considered the quintessential kleptocrat, having supposedly looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. Much of the lost sum has yet to be accounted for. He was also a notorious nepotist, appointing family members and close friends to high positions in his government. This practice led to widespread political mismanagement especially during the 1980's, when Marcos was mortally ill with lupus and was in and out of office. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of himself, commissioned by his Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras as an act of friendship, was carved into a hillside, and was subsequently destroyed by suspected communist rebels. During his third term, Marcos's health was poor due to kidney ailments. He was absent for weeks at a time to undergo treatment, with no one to assume his post. Many people questioned if he was still in a capacity to govern, due to grave illness and growing political unrest. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that would lead to the overthrow of Marcos.

In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called for a snap election in 1986. He declared Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition united behind Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino and her running mate, Salvador Laurel. Both Marcos and Aquino declared themselves winners, the administration and opposition accusing each other of rigging the elections. Popular sentiment sided with Aquino, leading to a massive, multisectoral congregation of protesters, and the gradual defection of the military to Aquino (led by then-Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile whose arrest for graft and corruption charges was about to be served and Fidel Ramos, then-military vice-chief). This "People Power movement" (see EDSA Revolution) drove Marcos into exile, and installed Corazon Aquino as Marcos and his wife, Imelda Marcos, went into exile in Hawaii and were later indicted for embezzlement in the United States. Marcos died in Honolulu, Hawaii in 1989 of kidney failure. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family and friends. The late strongman's remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr., and daughter, Imee, have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990, and was likewise acquitted of graft charges by a Philippine court in 1998.

Legacy
Up to this day, people are divided on views of Ferdinand Marcos. Some say that he was a real Philippine hero by his strong-willed and stable rule, his massive infrastructure projects and his great act of statesmanship during the EDSA Revolution, refusing to allow the military to unleash their force at the masses so as to avert bloodshed. Some say that he was a corrupt, autocratic dictator who looted the national coffers dry. Others blame him for the collapse of the economy during the mid-1980s. Others say that were it not for his greed for power, he was indeed a brilliant man who could have solidified the Philippines' standing as one of the great Asian nations. Some say that he was a "datu-style" politician who fused politics with fantasy. Others say that he instituted the politicising of the military and judiciary. However, the term "de-Marcosify" refers to restructuring and the removal of cronies. According to Transparency International, Marcos is the second most corrupt head of government ever, after Suharto.
http://www.transparency.org/pressreleases_archive/2004/2004.03.25.gcr_relaunch.html According to a recent survey, many Filipinos prefer Marcos' rule due to the shape of the country today. http://news.inq7.net/express/html_output/20050724-44611.xml.html

Quotes
• "There are many things we do not want about the world. Let us not just mourn them. Let us change them."
• "Leadership is the other side of the coin of loneliness, and he who is a leader must always act alone. And in acting alone, accept everything alone."

Muslim Minority in the Philippines

Photo : deenmedia ( flikr)

Muslim Minority in the Philippines

(This paper was presented during the SEACSN Conference 2004: “Issues and Challenges for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Southeast Asia”, at Shangri-La Hotel, Penang, Malaysia on 12-15 January 2004)
By Abhoud Syed M. Lingga Executive Director, Institute of Bangsamoro Studies

How the Muslims as a minority situate themselves within the Philippine national community is the subject of discussion in this paper. A look into their views on their relations with the national community is helpful in understanding the conflict in Mindanao for this is the impetus in their assertion for their right to self-determination.
Minority Communities
We find minority communities within the borders of many countries today. These minority communities can be classified broadly into three major categories (Che Man 1990:1).
The minority migrant populations are in the first category. During the colonial period, workers were recruited from other colonies to work in plantations, mining and other industries. In recent years, migration of peoples who are induced by pull factors like economic opportunities and liberal policies of countries of destination and the push factors in their own countries like violent conflicts, lack of economic opportunities and repressive government policies are observable. The migrant populations have no attachment to any portion of the territory of the host country. Their concerns are the acceptability by and equal rights with the dominant majority, and equal access to social services and economic opportunities.
The second category is the indigenous peoples who became minority in their homelands as the result of colonial settlements. There are around 300 million of them in more than seventy countries. These peoples have retained their social, cultural, economic and political way of life but face the threat of being assimilated with the majority populations. The aspirations of the indigenous peoples are to ‘exercise control over their own institutions, ways of life and economic development and to maintain and develop their identities, languages and religions, within the framework of the States in which they live’ (International Labor Organization 1989).
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Peoples who were incorporated into the new nation-states after the departure of the colonial powers are under the third category. Before colonization these peoples had their political institutions, administrative system, and trade and international relations with other countries. Colonial intrusions in their territories were not welcomed and often met with resistance. When the colonial powers granted independence to their colonies the territories of these peoples were incorporated into the new nation-states. In some cases, their territories became parts of more than one country. With their history of political independence and distinct way of life, these peoples claim they belong to different nations from the majority. Their identities are always link to their traditional homeland. They feel uncomfortable living within the borders of the new nation-states, which they perceived as successor-in-interest of the colonial powers, and relish the memory of their long history of political independence that they want to revive in order to establish system of life in accordance with their world view, culture, religion and social norms.
Identity and Homeland
The Muslims in the Philippines consist of thirteen ethno-linguistics groups: Iranun, Magindanaon, Maranao, Tao-Sug, Sama, Yakan, Jama Mapun, Ka'agan, Kalibugan, Sangil, Molbog, Palawani and Badjao. There are also Muslims among the other indigenous peoples of Mindanao like the Teduray, Manobo, Bla-an, Higaonon, Subanen, T'boli, and others. In recent years, significant number of people from Luzon and Visayas and migrant communities in Mindanao converted to Islam.
The Muslims who traditionally inhabited Mindanao, the islands of Basilan and Palawan, and the Sulu and Tawi-Tawi archipelago in the south of the Philippines identify themselves as Bangsamoro. The name Moro was given by the Spanish colonizers to the Muslims in Mindanao whom they found to have the same religion and way of life with the Muslims of North Africa who ruled the Iberian Peninsula for centuries. The Malay word bangsa, which means nation, was prefixed to suggest distinct nationhood. The term has find place in official documents of the Organization of Islamic Conference (2001) and agreements between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).1
The homeland of the Bangsamoro people consisted of the territories under the jurisdiction of their governments before the emergence of the Philippine state. At the height of its power, the Sulu Sultanate exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, Palawan, Basilan and the Malaysian state of Sabah (North Borneo). The territory of the Magindanaw Sultanate included Maguindanao province, the coastal areas of the provinces of Sultan Kudarat, South Cotabato, Sarangani, parts of Lanao provinces, Davao del Sur and Davao Oriental, and the eastern part of Zamboanga del Sur. The Datu Dakula of Sibugay, who ruled the Sibugay autonomous region under the
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Magindanaw Sultanate, exercised jurisdiction over Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga Sibugay, Zamboanga City and the western part of Zamboanga del Sur. The Rajah of Buayan ruled North Cotabato, the upper valley of Maguindanao and the interior areas of Sultan Kudarat and South Cotabato and some parts of Bukidnon. The Pat a Pangampong ko Ranao (confederation of the four lake-based emirates) ruled the interior parts of Lanao del Sur, Lanao del Norte, and parts of Bukidnon, Agusan, and eastern and western Misamis provinces. The small sultanate of Kabuntalan separates the domains of Magindanaw and Buayan.
As the result of the colonial policy of the Philippine government to reduce the Bangsamoro into minority by encouraging Filipino settlers from the north to settle in their traditional homeland, the Bangsamoro are now confined in the provinces of Tawi-Tawi, Sulu, Basilan, Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao, and some municipalities of Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay, Zamboanga del Norte, Lanao del Norte, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, South Cotabato, Sarangani, Davao Oriental, Davao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Compostela Valley and Palawan. Although their territory was significantly reduced but the Bangsamoro people continuously assert their right over their homeland, which gain implied recognition by the government.2
Ties with the Muslim World
From the formation of the Muslim community in Mindanao and Sulu up to the middle of the twentieth century the ties of the Muslims in the Philippines with the Muslim world was through the Muslims in Southeast Asian. This was because of the important role played by some members of the ruling families in the region in the expansion of Islam in the Philippines. The fact that the Bangsamoro homeland and people are parts of dunia Melayu, and they have common religion and shared many cultural practices with the Muslims in the region explains this close ties. The geographic location of Mindanao and Sulu, which are strategically located along the trade route, facilitated contact and communication with other Muslim principalities in the region. In fact, Jolo was a bustling trading center before the Spanish colonizers founded Manila. Their contacts with Arab, Persian and Indian Muslims were limited to traders and missionaries who came for visits, although some stayed after marrying local women.
The coming of Islam to the Philippines according to Majul (1999: 39-84) was an instance of the Islamization of the Malay world in Southeast Asia. By the end of thirteenth century there was already a settlement or colony of foreign Muslims in Sulu who were composed probably of the families of Muslim traders and missionaries who married local women and few converts (Majul 1999: 68). When Islam actually arrived in Mindanao and Sulu is quite difficult to determine at this time, but its expansion happened after members of ruling families in Sumatra and Johore arrived and founded political institutions that facilitated
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conversion of large population. The first Sultan of Sulu with the regal title of Paduka Mahasari Maulana al-Sultan Sharif ul-Hashim, whose reign was estimated between 1450 and 1480, was reported in Sulu tarsilas to have come from Sumatra. He married the daughter of Rajah Baguinda who arrived earlier in Sulu from Menangkabaw. Sharif ul-Hashim established in Sulu the political institution of sultanate. In Mindanao, Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuwan, who founded the Magindanaw sultanate, arrived on the shores of Mindanao around 1515. According to Magindanaw tarsilas he was the son of Sharif ‘Ali Zein ul-‘Abidin from Arabia and his mother belonged to the royal family of Johore.
Tracing descent from the ruling families in the region facilitated marriage alliances that provided another connection. Sources both in Sulu and Brunei show that Sulu seventh sultan Muhammad ul-Halim was related to the Brunei royal family. The mother of Sultan Badar ud-Din I was a Tirun from the northeast coast of Borneo. If intermarriages happened among royal families who were traditionally protective of their bloodline to maintain their legitimacy to rule, we can assume that there were intermarriages also among those in the middle and lower classes of society. These intermarriages cemented political alliances. When Spanish governor Corcuera attacked Sulu in 1638 Rajah Bongsu, the Sulu Sultan, was helped by Makassar warriors. The Ternatans often assisted Sultan Buisan of Magindanaw in his war against colonial intrusion.
In state formation, the political institutions in neighboring principalities heavily influenced the sultanates. Nomenclatures of positions were similar with most Malay states. Aside from the sultan the other positions in the Sulu sultanate were the Datu Bendahara, Datu Maharajah-lela, Datu Juhan Pahlawan, Datu Muluk Bandarasa, Datu Sebalmal, Datu Tumanggung, Datu Mamamsha, Datu Amir Bahar, Munnabil ‘Alam and Datu Sawajahan (Majul 1999: 390-91). The sultan exercised the executive functions together with the abovementioned office holders who composed the cabinet. The Ruma Bichara performed functions of a legislative body. The qadi (locally known as datu kali) headed the justice department. Workable political and administrative systems in Sulu, Magindanaw, Buayan and even in the confederation of the lake-based principalities of the Maranaos were in placed which were important factors in the sultanates movement towards centralization of powers and in the resistance against Spanish colonization.
Although the claims of descent from Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and the ruling families in the region, which were prominently featured in all tarsilas, was primarily to establish legitimacy of rule, it showed, at least on the level of the ruling families, awareness that the Bangsamoro people belonging to the global Ummah. This consciousness manifested also in traditional khutbah, read during Friday and ‘id congregational prayers, that included not only prayers for the reigning sultans but also for the Caliph of the Ummah. This suggested that the sultanates in Mindanao and Sulu recognized the Caliph’s leadership and they were parts of the Muslim world.
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Before the popularization of the Arabic language, religious books in Mindanao and Sulu were mostly in Malay language written in jawi scripts. This explains the fact that religious practices at that time were greatly influenced by religious practices in other parts of the Malay world. Only the few learned were literate in Arabic language so Malay religious literatures were more accessible to many.
After the Philippines got its independence in 1946 and Mindanao and Sulu were made part of the new nation-state, link with the Muslim world gradually shifted to the Middle East. This started with admission of students from Mindanao to Al Azhar University in Cairo. The Arab petrodollars provided scholarships to many students studying in Middle East universities, who after finishing their studies came home as paid missionaries of religious institutions, and established madaris and Qur’anic schools that teach what they learned of Islam. The curricula of these madaris are usually patterned after the curricula of the institutions where the founder graduated. Graduates of Islamic universities are often looked up to in their communities as religious leaders and opinion makers.
Consequently, religious thoughts in the Middle East gradually influence religious practices in Mindanao and Sulu. Active da’wah programs of religious institutions in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and other Arab countries reinforced this trend. With the generous support from charitable institutions and philanthropic individuals more mosques and madaris were built.
Even Islamic reform movements in the Middle East and the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent have influence on Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu. Syed Qutb of the Muslim Brotherhood and Syed Abul A’la Maududi of Jamaat Islamie for example had profound influence on the political thought of Salamat Hashim, founder and head of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front until his death in July 2003, which seeks separate state for the Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu (Lingga 1995: 26). These two reform movements excelled in their education programs and expectedly their ideas are transmitted to many parts of the world.
The strong ties with the Ummah work in favor of the Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu. After reports of massacres and other atrocities committed against Muslims reached the media in early seventies, Libya reacted immediately and led the move to bring the case to the attention of the OIC, which expressed during the Third Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers ‘serious concern over the plight of Muslims living in the Philippines’ (1972). Libya, aside from being the host, played significant role in the signing of the 1976 Tripoli agreement between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Philippine government. Indonesia played active role in the concluded negotiations between the government and the MNLF and Malaysia is mediating in the on-going peace talks between the government and the MILF.
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Contrasting Views
After independence was granted to the Philippines by the United States, the Muslim territories in Mindanao and Sulu became part of the Philippines. Accordingly, the government considers them Filipino citizens, including those fighting the government. Reflective of this policy is President Ferdinand E. Marcos’ (1977) statement in his report to the Batasang Bayan that the government ‘consider(s) the MNLF citizens of the Republic even if they are in rebellion.’ As such, he emphasized that agreements with the liberation movements are agreements between the Philippine Government and its own nationals.
They have equal rights and obligations with other Filipinos. Their communities are subdivided into local units just like other parts of the country. Muslims are elected to positions in local governments in areas where they are in majority and appointed to manage local bureaucracy. There were few who were elected in the Senate before and representation in the House of Representatives is always assured because congressmen are elected by district although they are not many. There are also Muslims who are appointed to positions in the national bureaucracy and in the judiciary.
There is no government policy that clearly discriminate Muslims, but policies are formulated in response to popular demand. And since majority of the populations are Christians, policies can be biased in favor of the majority. There are also policies and programs that are meant to reinforce the position of government but they work against the interest of the Muslims. For example, in the name of development Christians from the north were encouraged to settle in Mindanao resulting to the minoritization of the Muslims in many parts of their traditional homeland
On the other hand, the Muslims view their situation in different way. Muhammad al-Hasan (Quoted by Gowing 1978: 78) articulates this view in these words:
We [Moros and Filipinos] are two different peoples adhering to different ideologies, having different cultures, and nurtured by different historical experiences.
We have contradistinct conceptions of sovereignty. The Filipinos believe that sovereignty resides in them, but we believe that sovereignty belongs to God alone. The political, social, economic and judicial institutions they inherited from the colonizers, organized on the basis of the separation of spiritual and mundane aspects of life, are incongruous with ours which are established on the postulates that life is a unity, God is the Sovereign and man is His vicegerent.
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Our culture, imbued with Islamic beliefs, tenets and principles, is diametrically in contrast with what is known today as Filipino culture which is the amalgamation of the residues of the colonizers’ cultures. Our art, architecture, literature and music have retained their Asian character [which] is not true [of] theirs.
The Muslims claim they belong to a separate nation by virtue of their distinct identity and long history of political independence. Arguing in line with the nationalist theory of secession, they also claim that they have ‘a right to self-determination, including the right to a state’, at least in areas where they are in majority (Buendia 2002: 9). Their experience in state formation and resistance against colonial rule are often cited as bases of their claim for separate nation and state. The Spanish colonial government attempted to conquer the sultanates to subjugate their political existence and to add their territory to the Spanish colonies in the Philippine Islands but there was no significant success. The sultanates with their organized maritime and infantry forces succeeded in defending the Muslim territories during what Majul (1999: 121-372) called Moro wars, thus preserving the continuity of their independence.
The Muslims’ resistance against attempts to subjugate their independence continued even when US forces occupied some areas in Mindanao and Sulu. At this time the resistance of the Muslim governments was not as fierce as during the Moro-Spanish wars but group-organized guerrilla attacks against American forces and installations reinforced what remained of the sultanates' military power. Even individual Muslim showed defiance against American occupation of their homeland by attacking American forces in operations called prang sabil (martyrdom operation).
When the U.S. Government promised independence to the Filipinos, the Muslim leaders registered their strong objection to be part of the Republic of the Philippines. In the petition to the U.S. President, the people of Sulu archipelago said that they would prefer being part of the U.S. rather than to be included in an independent Philippine nation (Jubair 1999: 293-7).
In their Declaration of Rights and Purposes, the Muslim leaders meeting in Zamboanga on February 1, 1924, proposed that the ‘Islands of Mindanao and Sulu, and the Island of Palawan be made an unorganized territory of the United States of America’ (Jubair 1999:298-03), in anticipation that in the event the U.S. would decolonize its colonies and other non-self governing territories the Bangsamoro homeland would be granted separate independence. Had it happened, the Muslims would have regained by now their independence under the UN declaration on decolonization. Their other proposal was that if independence had to be granted including the Muslim territories, fifty years after Philippine independence a plebiscite be held in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan to decide by vote whether the territory would be incorporated in the government of the Islands of Luzon and Visayas, remain a territory of the United States, or become independent. The fifty-year period ended in 1996, the same year the
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MNLF and the Philippine government signed the Final Agreement on the Implementation of the Tripoli Agreement. The leaders warned that if no provision of retention under the United States were made, they would declare an independent constitutional sultanate to be known as Moro Nation.
Even after their territories were made part of the Philippine republic in 1946, the Muslims continue to assert their right to independence. They consider the annexation of their homeland as illegal and immoral since it was done without their plebiscitary consent. Their assertions manifest in many forms.
The armed resistance of Kamlon, Jikiri and Tawan-Tawan were signs of protests for being part of the Philippine republic. Those who joined the Philippine government used the new political system they were in to pursue the vision of regaining independence. Congressman Ombra Amilbangsa, for example, filed House Bill No. 5682 during the fourth session of the Fourth Congress that sought the granting and recognition of the independence of Sulu (Jubair 1999: 304-05). As expected, the bill found its way to the archive of Congress since there were few Muslim members of Congress. Then on May 1, 1968, the then provincial governor of Cotabato, Datu Udtog Matalam, made a dramatic move by issuing the Mindanao Independence Movement manifesto calling for the independence of Mindanao and Sulu to be known and referred to as the Republic of Mindanao and Sulu (Jubair 1999: 306-07).
Independence Movement
Buendia (2002: 11) observes that the ‘Muslims in the Philippines, at first, took the peaceful track in carving the nation-state.’ When it became evident to them that it would not be possible to regain independence within the framework of the Philippine legal system, the MNLF was organized to lead the armed struggle. The MNLF objective then was for separate state but upon the prodding of the Organization of Islamic Conference it signed the Tripoli Agreement on December 23, 1976 that binds it to accept autonomy within the framework of Philippine territory. Nur Misuari’s acceptance of autonomy triggered debate within the MNLF that ultimately led to the separation of a faction known later on as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The MILF vowed to pursue the original objective of the MNLF for separate state but this time only in areas where the Muslims are in majority. If we look at the population distribution in Mindanao, this will include the provinces of Tawi-Tawi, Sulu, Basilan, Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao, the cities of Marawi, Cotabato and Isabela. In addition, there are towns in other provinces where the Muslims are in majority. Some are contiguous with the five provinces others are not.
The clamor for separate state is not only among the liberation fronts but includes the Muslim civil society. While armed struggle remains one of the options of the liberation fronts the civil society movement advocates peaceful and democratic approach through a United Nations supervised referendum. The
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Bangsamoro People’s Consultative Assembly met twice, in 1996 and 2001. The first assembly, reportedly attended by more than one million people, came out with a statement calling for reestablishment of the Bangsamoro state and government (Bangsamoro People’s Consultative Assembly 1996: 5-10). The declaration of the second assembly, attended by around two and a half million participants according to reports, states ‘the only just, meaningful, and permanent solution to the Mindanao Problem is the complete independence of the Bangsamoro people and the territories they now actually occupy from the Republic of the Philippines’ (Bangsamoro People’s Consultative Assembly 2001: 5).
The manifesto (1999) issued by hundreds of thousands of Bangsamoro who participated in the Rally for Peace and Justice in Cotabato City and Davao City on October 23, 1999, in Marawi City on October 24, 1999 and in Isabela, Basilan on December 7, 1999 clearly states their position.
‘… we believe that the only just, viable and lasting solution to the problem of our turbulent relationship with the Philippine government is the restoration of our freedom, liberty and independence which were illegally and immorally usurped from us, and that we be given a chance to establish a government in accordance with our political culture, religious beliefs and social norms’.
The traditional leaders had also expressed their strong desire for self-determination. The Declaration of Intent and Manifestation of Direct Political Act (2001) released by the datus headed by Magindanaw Sultan Abdul Aziz Guiwan Mastura Kudarat IV calls for United Nations supervised referendum to determine whether the Bangsamoro people want independence or not.
Government Response
To deflect the issue on the rights of the Bangsamoro to self-determination, the Philippine government admitted neglect. The government is insistent that the problem is the absence of economic development. That is why within the span of the administration of five presidents government efforts are always focused on development of Mindanao.
The Philippine government initiated negotiations with the MNLF in 1975 and with the active involvement of Libya the framework on how to solve the problem was reached in 1976. But it took more than two decades to negotiate the implementing details of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. In 1996 with the active mediation of Indonesia the final agreement between the government and the MNLF was initialed in Jakarta and signed in Manila. Following the end of the negotiations with the MNLF, the government started talking to the MILF. After informal contacts, negotiations started on January 7, 1997. The MILF pulled out
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from the negotiations in 2000 following the government all-out war in Mindanao, but when President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo assumed the presidency in 2001 she asked the assistance of Indonesia and Malaysia to convince the MILF to resume the stalled talks. From then on Malaysia has been hosting the talks between the government and the MILF. So far two significant agreements were inked, agreements on cessation of hostilities and agreement on rehabilitation of refugees and development of war-affected areas. The on-going talks have yet to tackle the issue on ancestral domain and the political status of the Bangsamoro people.
Before the final agreement with the MNLF was reached, the government organized an autonomous region as its own way of complying with the provisions of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. The 1987 constitution provides for the establishment of autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordillera. With this constitutional mandate Congress passed Republic Act 6734, the law governing the creation and operations of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In a plebiscite conducted on November 19, 1989, four provinces out of the thirteen provinces mentioned in the 1976 Tripoli Agreement voted to constitute the autonomous region. Later, amendments were introduced in the ARMM Organic Act to accommodate provisions of the final agreement and one province joined the autonomous region.
As transitory mechanism from the signing of the final agreement on September 2, 1996 to the amendments of the 1986 Organic Act of the autonomous region, the Special Zone of Peace and Development (SPCPD) was created to provide basic services, adequate infrastructure facilities, entrepreneurial support, capability-building assistance to local government units, and to promote investment and trade in the areas covered in the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. Both the ARMM and the SPCPD were placed under the control of the MNLF.
Even before the MNLF rebellion, there were government programs designed to address the problems of the Muslims as understood by political leaders and bureaucrats in Manila. In 1957, the Commission on National Integration (CNI) was created for the purpose of integrating the Muslims and other cultural minorities into the body politic. The CNI was abolished and the Office on Muslim Affairs was created in its place.
To promote government program of education to accelerate the integration of the Muslims into the body politic, the Mindanao State University was established in Marawi City. The university serves as instrument of the government in the development of the southern region. The Mindanao Development Authority (its name was later changed to Southern Philippines Development Authority and abolished last year) was created in 1961 to hasten the economic development of Mindanao.
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To appeal to the religious sense of the Muslims, the Code of Muslim Personal Laws of the Philippines was decreed into law in 1977. These laws were extracted from Islamic jurisprudence on person and family. Shariah courts were subsequently organized in Muslim communities and Shariah judges were appointed to adjudicate cases involving marriage and inheritance. The Philippine Amanah Bank, with mandate to operate in accordance with Islamic banking principles, was also established.
At the same time that new policies and programs were introduced to appease the Muslims, the government invoking its sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity unleashed its military might against the Muslims. Carolyn O. Arguillas (2003) provides a vivid picture of the cost of the military campaign.
In a privilege speech in July 1996, then Rep. Eduardo Ermita, now Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process … citing data from the Armed Forces of the Philippines, showed how over a period of 26 years since 1970, more than 100,000 persons had been killed in the conflict in Mindanao, 30 per cent of that government casualties, 50 per cent rebels and 20 per cent civilians.
Ermita said 55,000 persons were injured, not counting those from the rebel side. From 1970 to 1976 alone, he said, an average of 18 people were slain everyday.
All in all, Ermita said, the AFP spent P73 billion in the 26-year period, or an average of 40 per cent of its annual budget.
In the year 2000 when government troops attacked the MILF camps, around 932,000 civilians were displaced from their homes. The World Bank (2003:12-13) report shows that “Majority of people who were displaced as a result of the conflict in Mindanao that erupted in 2000 were Muslims.” Around 390,000 people were again displaced when government troops attacked MILF enclaves in Pikit and Pagalungan in February 2003.
Concluding Observations
Within the borders of the Philippines we find Muslim minorities who identify themselves as Bangsamoro. They can be classified under the third category of minority communities. Their experience in state formation predates the formation of the Philippines as a state. They continue to occupy what remain of their traditional homeland
Their problematic relations with the national community, which oftentimes resulted to violent confrontations, should be understood in the context of the principle of self-determination. The feeling among the Bangsamoro people is strong that the best guarantee for their security and the only opportunity that they
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can organize their political life according to their values and way of life is when they possess the medium of sovereign power. Issues of poverty, underdevelopment, neglect and other social and economic inequities certainly need attention but the core issue of the problem is their assertion for their right to self-determination.
The Bangsamoro have never live in isolation from their brothers and sisters either in Southeast Asia or in the Middle East. They always relate themselves with the Muslim world and their ties with global Ummah will always remain, whether they differ or not in their understanding and practice of Islam. In their quest for the assertion of their rights to freedom and self-determination the Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu will always find sympathetic ears to listen to their aspirations at least from the masses in the Ummah, if not from governments and organizations.
NOTES
1The Agreement on Peace Between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, otherwise known as the Tripoli Agreement on Peace of 2001, signed on June 22, 2001 in Tripoli, Libya, unambiguously recognizes that identity. Examples are these provisions of the agreement:
"Recognizing that peace negotiations between the GRP and the MILF is for the advancement of the general interest of the Bangsamoro people…"
"On the aspect of ancestral domain, the Parties, in order to address the humanitarian and economic needs of the Bangsamoro people and preserve their social and cultural heritage and inherent right over their ancestral domain, …"
"The observance of international humanitarian law and respect for internationally recognized human rights instruments and the protection of evacuees and displaced persons in the conduct of their relations reinforce the Bangsamoro people's fundamental right to determine their own future and political status."
2In the preamble of the Agreement on Peace Between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, otherwise known as the Tripoli Agreement on Peace of 2001, signed on June 22, 2001 in Tripoli, Libya, states that the GRP and the MILF are "Determined to establish a peaceful environment and normal condition of life in the Bangsamoro homeland".
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