U.S. Military Presence in Mainland Japan and Okinawa

U.S. Military Presence in Mainland Japan and Okinawa

Ichiyo Muto (People’s Plan Study Groups)- An Excerpt

There are approximately 90 U.S. military facilities including major military bases throughout mainland Japan and Okinawa, with an area total of 3,130,000 sq.meters, 75% of which are in Okinawa. They are concentrated in a few areas (prefectures), 37 in Okinawa, 15 in Kanagawa, 11 in Nagasaki, and 7 in Tokyo. About 52,000 U.S. troops are stationed in these bases, 26,000 in mailand and 25,000 in Okinawa (2001). In mainland Japan, the largest contingent is the air force with 6,600 and that in Okinawa marines (15,500).

The U.S. armed forces in Japan, together with U.S. forces in South Korea, are subjected to the Pacific Command located in Hawaii though the Command located at Yokota Airbase in Tokyo also functions as an auxiliary command for the forces deployed all over Japan. The forces deployed to Japan are not a separate complete military unit but integral part of the Pacific Force as the largest of the four U.S. joint forces with a vast jurisdiction extending from the U.S. western coast and the whole of the Pacific Ocean through the Indian Ocean to the eastern coasts of Africa.

The main U.S. bases in mainland Japan include Misawa airbase in Aomori Prefecture up in the north of Honshu Island, Yokota Airbase in Tokyo, Yokosuka naval base in Kanagawa Prefecture, Atsugi base in the same prefecture, Iwakuni marine base near Hiroshima, and Sasebo naval base in Nagasaki Prefecture. Also there are munitions depots, communication bases, port facilities, warehouses, military barracks, residential estates.


1960 Security Treaty and SOFA

Defeating Japan in WWII in 1945, the United States, placed Japan under occupation, took over Japanese military bases and used them as the frontline bases of the Cold War. These bases were intensely used in the 1950-53 Korean War as the attack posts in the immediate rear of the war front. The U.S. in the first years of occupation wanted to demilitarize Japan as its potential military adversary and drafted the postwar pacifist Constitution which was welcomed by Japanese people, but it reversed its policy by 1950 and ordered remilitarization and created a “police reserve force” that later developed into the world’s budgetary second largest Self-Defense Forces.

The U.S. placed Okinawa under its direct military rule, willfully confiscated Okinawan people’s land for construction of huge strategic bases in main island of Okinawa and nearby Iejima Island, centering on the Kadena airfield.

In 1951, the San Francisco Peace Treaty was signed, ending occupation for mainland Japan in 1952, but that treaty separated Okinawa from Japanese sovereignty and surrendered it to U.S. military rule. Okinawa remained U.S. military colony until 1972 when it was “reverted” to Japan.

Simultaneously with the peace treaty, another treaty called Japan-U.S. security treaty was signed, allowing continued presence of U.S military forces in the Japanese territory. U.S. continued to hold and freely use the bases secured under occupation.

The 1952 security treaty was revised in 1960 into a treaty of relatively bilateral nature, to jointly meet armed attacks at either party and for security in the Far East. The treaty stated, “for the purpose of contributing to the security of Japan and the maintenance of international peace and security in the Far East, the United States is granted the use of its land, air, and naval forces of facilities and areas in Japan.” This treaty is up to now the legal ground of the stationing of U.S. forces and U.S. use of bases in Japan. Simultaneously with the security treaty, the status of force agreement was made, giving privileges and prerogatives to the U.S. military personnel and use of Japanese facilities.

Though SOFA states that the U.S. bears all expenditures incurred by the maintenance of U.S. armed forces in Japan, the Japanese government since 1987 began to meet increasing portions of U.S. costs, reaching more than $6 billion in 2001 in “host nation support.”


Anti-Base Movements

During and immediately after the occupation, expansion of U.S. military bases was met by vigorous opposition movements of local communities with the national support of progressive movements such as students’ and workers. The movements successfully prevented base expansion or base area enclosure in most major cases (Uchinada, Myogi, Tachikawa, all in the 1950s). Local farmers’ opposition movement to U.S. and Japanese live shelling exercises on the skirts of Mt. Fuji, begun in the 1950s, still continues.

The 1960 struggle against the conclusion of the revised security treaty was the largest national political struggle against military ties with the U.S. and all anti-base movements participated in it.

During the Vietnam War period, new peace and anti-war movements grew rapidly, and their action was frequently targeted against U.S. military bases, in many cases through direct action. The best known is the whole community action against U.S. Sagamihara weapons depot from which tanks were being transported to Vietnam. Students’ and citizens’ movements massively mobilized in this period to protest the entry of U.S. aircraft carriers, deployment of new weapons (Tomahawk missiles etc.)

After the Vietnam War ended, anti-base movement has been sustained mainly by local action groups around the base areas, which are loosely networked across the country and working to support Okinawa people’s anti-base struggles. The forms and styles of action are manifold and wide-ranged. Aside from general mobilization and street demonstration on the issues of bases, some of the collective action styles include:

- Monitoring the activities of the base such as troops movement on a daily basis and reporting to the community and other anti-base groups (e.g. Yokota airbase, extremely low altitude flights monitored by widespread networks)

- Demonstrating, picketing, over particular action of the U.S. military, most typically activists riding rubber boats demonstrate at sea against entry and/or departure of U.S. fleet on combat missions (e.g. Yokosuka, Kure, Sasebo)

- Conducting sustained campaigns of local community groups, including litigation, against particular hazards such as noise and pollution (Atsugi base by groups in Yamato city)

- Community-wide sustained campaigns opposing new U.S. base-related projects, using local elections (Zushi city community opposing the construction of U.S. military housing estate at the cost of national preserve; local movement elected opposition mayors)

- Using powers of local autonomy to restrict free use of facilities by U.S. military (most typically the Kobe formula – Kobe municipality bans entry of ships into Kobe port unless they previous present no-nuclear weapon certificates; because of this system, no U.S. warships have been able to enter the port so far).

- Filing lawsuits about the unconstitutionality of Japan’s “host nation support” for U.S. military (Tokyo and Osaka);

- Ad placing campaigns on issues of bases, military exercises, withdrawal U.S. marines (Yufuin group’s ad in New York Times etc.)


=== People’s Plan Study Group ===

Address: Sunrise Shinjyuku 3F, 2-4-15 Okubo, Shinjyuku-ku, Tokyo 169-0072 JAPAN

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U.S Bases in Okinawa

Masahiro Shimada (Anti-War Landowners’ Association for the Protection of Rights and Properties)


1. Overall Picture−Its History

　Okinawa is an archipelago located between Taiwan and Japan. It consists of some 160 islands extended in an area of 400 km. from south to north and 1,000 km from east to west. Of these 160 islands, 49 are inhabited with the population of 130 million. The subtropical climate makes Okinawa a pleasant place to live with flowers all round the year. Okinawa was invaded in 1609 by a feudal Japanese clan ruling Satsuma in Kyushu. In the following 400 years, Okinawa tried to survive while threatened by the vested interests of the big nation. Now Japan imposes area-wise 75% of the US bases it hosts on Okinawa, which is only 0.6% of its territory. The reality is an eloquent expression of the marginalization of Okinawa by Japan and the colonial relationships on it maintained by Japan and the US. At present, plans are being carried out to construct yet new bases (Henoko Marine Base, the transfer of Naha Naval Base to Urasoe Port (for capacity expansion), and facilities for training for urban hostilities). This is causing Okinawa people’s anger.


Battle of Okinawa

The battle of Okinawa was the last ground battle fought between the US Forces and Japanese Armed Forces. After intense air raids and shelling from warships, US Forces began landing from the Kerama Islands in the west of the Main Island in late March, 1945. Thus “the hell of hells” as described by the US Troops began. The 110,000 Japanese troops including the 35,000 untrained recruiters assigned to defend Okinawa with poor weapons had to cope with the U.S. force of 540,000 with overwhelmingly superiority. 180,000 US soldiers landed on Okinawa and began the battle that destroyed every single thing on the island during the subsequent three months. With this “Iron Typhoon” more than 200,000 soldiers and civilians died including one quarter of the Okinawa population.,US casualties counted 12,000. The US Forces began constructing new bases on the island in order to prepare the attack on the Main Island of Japan. This was the beginning of the US program of using Okinawa as its forward base for the containment of the spread of communism. But bases and buildings constructed in the initial perid of US occupation were simple and provisional.

　

Construction of Permanent Bases

In the 1950s, the construction of permanent bases began with a special budget earmarked for the purpose. In 1952, San Francisco Peace Treaty was signed simultaneously with the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. In return for Japan’s independence, the U.S. placed the archipelago south of Amami Oshima Island under its administration. In 1953, the Amami Islands were returned to Japan but Ryukyus were retained under U.S. administration, and Okinawa was left with the US bases all over it. The establishment of the People’s Republic of China and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea alarmed the US as signs of rapid expansion of communism in Asia. The Cold War accelerated the consolidation of the bases in Okinawa. This also signaled yet another beginning of the history of sufferings of the people of Okinawa.


Confiscation of land (the Whole Island Struggle)

　The outbreak of the Korean War further drove the US Forces to construct new bases. Though the US had practically converted the whole island into one big base, the Korean War urged the US to construct stronger forward bases to control the whole of Asia. People of Okinawa who had barely recuperated from the “Iron Typhoon” had to face another typhoon. Land confiscation began in a village called Isahama and spread all over. In some cases the US prohibited farming under the excuse of mosquito outbreak. The paddy fields and farms carefully cultivated were bulldozed before harvesting. At Isahama, at dawn fully armed soldiers arrived with bulldozers and filled fields with sand from the ocean. The green rice plants were buried in salt water and sand. People who were not allowed to harvest resisted but in vain. In Iejima, several American soldiers entered a house and asked for matches to set fire and the house was burnt while the residents did not have time to take their belongings out. People deprived of their basic rights to live went around the island asking for support. Their action was dubbed “Beggars’ March” as the marchers had nothing at all to own and suffered from a terrible inhuman situation. Some of the dislocated people, after moving from place to place in the island, migrated to South America. The land confiscation begun during the Korean War continued to the Vietnam War. The period was characterized as the period of people’s struggle for land.

U.S Rule of Okinawa

The presence of the US bases was the only problem Okinawa suffered from. The US military controlled judiciary, legislature, administration and economy, and that enabled the U.S. to arbitrarily confiscate people’s land. Okinawa did not have its own jurisdiction. The US owned the majority of share of banks and electricity. The governor, the supreme administrator, was appointed by the US Force. In June, 1945, after the Battle of Okinawa ended with the extermination of the Okinawa Garrison, the US Navy began ruling Okinawa. In July, 1946, the US Army took the navy government over. With a view to introducing an American style democratic governance to replace Japan’s emperor system, the U.S. held in September, 1945, elections of mayors and city councils. Woman suffrage was recognized. The army government lasted till 1950 when USCAR （US Administration of Ryukyu Islands）was set up. With this, the policy to construct bases was intensified. USCAR arbitrarily created legal systems to forcefully confiscate land. Their highhandedness caused much anger and protest from the people. Anti US sentiment spread all over the island. To handle this situation, the US introduced a high commissioner system to rule Okinawa. This system lasted until 1972 when Okinawa was returned to Japan. The last high commissioner was the sixth. The economic system of Okinawa became totally dependent on the bases. In 1958 the currency was changed to US dollars. Till then, the currency was B-yen which was a kind of military scrip.

2. Return of the Bases

　For its size and functions the US bases in Okinawa are a monster in Asia. In 1945, the bases were meant to attack Japan. With the rise of socialist states, the bases became a stronghold against communism. They were forward assault bases during the Korean War. During the Vietnam War, Okinawa served as a crucial forward supply base. This is what Okinawa was till 1972. With the demand of each situation and reality, the bases in Okinawa changed its functions provided with new equipment, facilities and new deployment of military personnel. During the war against Japan, the only task needed was to fix the existing airfields to fly B29 bombers to the mainland. Much energy was spent to handle the civilian population, many of them taken as prisoners of war. With the rise of the People’s Republics of China and North Korea, the circumstances changed. Bases were strengthened as an anti-Communist stronghold, accompanied by adjustment of functions in terms of equipment and force posting. Nuclear weapons, ground-to-air missiles, new communication systems, and fighter plane squadrons were introduced. The army intensified tank trainings and live test-shelling of Nike ground-to-air missiles targeting China was also conducted. Under the heavy impact of the Korean War, plans to construct stronger bases were energetically pressed forward.

While the USCAR wanted to get its American style democracy accepted in Okinawa, the people did not swallow it, but on the contrary intensified their resistance against land confiscation. Faced by this situation, the US intensified its oppressive military rule, claiming that Okinawans were not mature enough for self government.

Under this iron-fist rule land confiscation continued. As the U.S. launched the Vietnam War, Okinawa was turned into the launching base of B52 bombers to attack North Vietnam. Maki Supply Base became the biggest logistic base in this war, from which war materials, military vehicles and tanks were daily shipped to Vietnam and into which tanks broken in Vietnam were carried for repairs. The Vietnam War became part and parcel of Okinawa people’s daily life.

Throughout this period, Okinawa severed as the largest anti-Communist Cold War fortress in Asia equipped with powerful antennas and ultrasonic spy planes. The Nixon Doctrine was declared, but the bases in Okinawa continued to be the U.S.’s strategic outpost in Asia.

The return of Okinawa to Japan in 1972 was arranged in exchange for the Japanese government’s guarantee that the strategic functions of Okinawa for the U.S. would be preserved. Even so, Okinawa faced a new situation. The rule of Okinawa shifted from the early military rule to the direct U.S. rule and then to the Japanese rule. The US presence in Okinawa now became one taken care of by its host country, Japan, based on the Japan-US Security Treaty.

The Japanese government guarantees that the U.S. would continue to securely use the bases in Okinawa and shared the common understanding with the U.S. that people’s demands should be met as long as this guarantee was honored. This agreement provided that nuclear weapons be removed from Okinawa at the expense of the Japanese government.

Also, the army units in Okinawa were replaced by marines. The principal U.S. forces in Okinawa shifted to the Air Force based in Kadena airfield, marines and army special forces. The Japanese Diet passed a resolution calling for the reduction and consolidation of the US bases in Okinawa.

The presence of the marines has come as a further burden on Okinawa people. They alternated on shore and on sea duty on the Seventh Fleet every six month. The marines are storm troopers, and they proved a new threat to local people. Militarily, their operation covers a vast area from the Cape of Good Hope in Africa through Australia to the Pacific Ocean. With the joint exercises with Japan’s Self Defense Forces, the marines are equipped to respond to any occurrence from the Korean peninsula to the Middle East. The aircraft in Okinawa was shifted from F4 Phantom to F15 Eagle and E3A planes with emphasis from air-to-ground attacks to control of the air. Also, intensified were reconnaissance flights by SR71 along the continental coasts. The standard uniform was change from the jungle-camouflaged combat fatigue to a brown uniform designed for desert battles. The marines are an armed entity proud to go anywhere on the planet. The US base in Okinawa looms as a patron god to protect the US interests in Asia. At the same time, the US presence in Okinawa has much to do with Japan’s militarization.

The heavier its presence, the more serious the danger the U.S. military poses to the people in Okinawa. Okinawa people experienced increasing cases of U.S. military-caused accidents and crimes. The rape of a girl in 1995 was a typical example. The incident happened just when the Japanese government was examining plans to help overhaul 50-year old U.S. bases in Okinawa into modernized, function-rational bases at the Japanese government cost. Under the impact of the rape incident and the rising anger of the Okinawa people, the Japanese and U.S. governments created a structure called SACO (Special Action Committee) for readjustment and consolidation of the bases in Okinawa. The local government of Okinawa made it clear that no such plan would be accepted by the Okinawa people unless it included reduction of the bases. With this pressure, SACO had to discuss adjustment, consolidation, and reduction. SACO submitted its final report in December, 1996, but the report did not refer to reduction but proposes moving the locations of bases within the island. The needed reduction did not occur. The major plan that came from SACO was the construction a huge offshore marine base with 2,500 meter-runways off the coast of Henoko, part of Nago city, as the alternative to Futenma base that was to be abolished. The intention is to help marines to unify the functions of an airport, marine’s port of sally, and training facilities by the establishment of this new base. Though the U.S. communication units are withdrawing, the Special Forces, the Marines and the Air Force are being strengthened.


3. People’s Struggle and Resistance

Struggle on the Prefectural Road No 104

From 1973, the U.S. military closed prefectural road No. 104 that passes through Camp Hansen for firing exercises using 105mm and 155 mm howitzers. Live shells were shot over the road. The residents denied the use of the road indispensable to their daily life organized protest action against this exercise, joined by peace organizations and labor unions. Finally they entered the impact area and forced the U.S. to suspend the exercises. The strategy worked and the protesters continued occupying the impact area, sometimes braving the danger from the shells dropping around them. In September, 1976, the movement was forced to change the strategy when some of the members were arrested under the special criminal law earlier enacted for the implementation of the security treaty. The struggle, however, continued until the locations of the shelling exercises were transferred to five different places in mainland Japan.


2.4 General Strike

On November 19, 1968, at the height of the Vietnam War, a B52 bomber loaded with bombs on its way to North Vietnam crashed right after taking off the Kadena Base. The incident gave a rise to a large campaign to demand the withdrawal of B52 bombers from Okinawa. The US government, however, insisted that this was not a major accident. The Japanese government stated that it had no intention to demand of the U.S. the removal of B52 bombers. In Okinawa, many protest actions mainly organized by labor unions continued. For the first time, the Union of Military Base Workers (Zengunro) came up with a resolution demanding the withdrawal of the bases. It became clear that neither the US government nor the Japanese government had a correct understanding of the people of Okinawa. As people’s awareness about the critical reality of Okinawa grew stronger, many local governments of the islands came up with resolutions against the bases. In 1968, the Okinawa people obtained the right to elect their administrative representative and Mr. Yara Chobyo, president of militant teachers union, was elected the first governor. Up to then, the chief executive officer was appointed by the U.S. As local people’s organizations, women’s movement and other groups continued demanding the withdrawal of B52, many unions decided to organize a strike. The “Prefectural People’s Joint Struggle Coalition for Life” was formed by over 140 organizations and the struggle headed toward a general strike. The US issued High Commissioner’s Order to ban the strike, but that was counterproductive. As the struggle spread all over the islands, the Japanese government had to take heed of it. The General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sohyo), the largest labor federation in mainland Japan, also began to take action. But this formation got split over the issue of general strike. Those against general strike, claiming that an informal commitment had been made to give the date of B52 withdrawal, maintained that the governor’s position should be protected. Others insisted on the need of the strike. The protest action scheduled for February 4 was carried out without this division overcome.

　

Struggle of Military Base Workers (Zengunro)

　The struggle of those who work at the US bases was another threat to the US Forces. The Union was much affected by mass dismissals of its members, but they rose in struggle for two demands -- the removal of the bases and cancellation of mass dismissal, apparently demands contradicting each other. The Zengunro did not have the right to wage a strike and so resorted to the legal tactic of simultaneous paid leave taking. But that developed into a 48 hour strike, and then to 120 hour strike. The gate to the base’s nuclear weapons area was　closed by the striking picketers, who were threatened by armed GIs. The situation was extremely tense. The US Forces prohibited the soldiers from going out of the bases. Merchants doing business for GIs, upset by the loss of customers, stoned the strikers. The incident showed the complexity of the Okinawa situation.


Koza Riot

　On December 20, 1970, a vehicle driven by an American soldier hit an Okinawan. The Military Police who rushed to the site paid no attention to the victim and tried to carry away the car to the base. Around 1,000 people surrounded them and protested. The frightened MP started fired warning shots. As the angry people closed in, the MPs ran away firing shots. The soldier responsible for the incident was beaten up. More and more people gathered and started burning the vehicles nearby such as army trucks, MP jeeps and cars with yellow plates that indicated the US ownership. Towards the midnight, the crowd kept growing. One group burned police boxes while the other went to Kadena Base. They broke the gate and set fire on the filing cabinets and the American school. Armed soldiers fired tear gas. Helicopters also sprayed tear gas over the masses. This group was pushed outside by the armed soldiers while the other headed towards the U.S. headquarters. By the dawn, they all dispersed. Some 80 cars were destroyed. 19 were arrested and many wounded. The police applied the crime of riot but could not prosecute any of them. They were charged with other crimes and punished. There was no damage recorded to persons or properties of Okinawa.

In those days, 63% of Koza (present Okinawa city) was occupied by the bases. Koza’s economy was 80% dependent on the bases. On one hand, Koza flourished “thanks to” the war in Vietnam. On the other hand, Koza suffered much by the crimes committed by the GIs. Koza Riot in a way was a natural outcome of this situation. The US government still remembers the fear caused by Koza riot. Though it was a spontaneous riot, there was a certain order and discipline observed by all who joined it.

There was another incident that indirectly led people to riot. On September 18, 1970, a drunken GI driver killed a woman in Itoman-city in the south of the main island. The military court found him innocent on December 11 by reasons of lack of evidence. After 1970, violent crimes committed by American soldiers rose to 1,000 every year. They included homicides, rapes and burglaries. The number of U.S. soldier-caused traffic accidents was over 3000 a year. All the crimes were handled by the MPs who concealed evidence. The accused were tried by closed military courts and declared either innocent or given minor punishments.


Struggle to Demand the Withdrawal of Poisonous Gas

In July, 1969, the leak of VX nerve gas from a container in Kadena Base was discovered. The discovery led people to organize action. The US Forces organized a plan called “Operation Red Hat” to transfer the gas to Johnston Island in the Pacific. On December 20, the day before the Koza Riot, there was a big gathering of the Okinawa people to demand withdrawal of poisonous gas. All these incidents served as the background against which the Koza riot exploded.


Association of Anti-War Landowners

　After 1972 when Okinawa was turned over to Japan, more and more people of Okinawa began articulating their firm conviction that the US should not continue using their land. This was the time to take back the land “plundered at gun points and with bulldozers.” As Okinawa became part of Japan, the land unilaterally confiscated during the U.S. rule now became subject to regulations linked to the Security Treaty. This meant that from now on it was the Japanese government that was to conclude contracts with the owners of the land tracts used as bases and then lease them to the U.S. When it came to the making of contracts, over 30,000 landowners refused to sign contacts. This action led to the formation of the Anti-War Landowners’ Association for the Protection of Rights and Properties. The Japanese government, however, ignoring the will of the Okinawa people, passed a fixed-term law (five years) called “the law of temporary use of public land” that allowed the US Forces and Japan’s Self Defense Forces to use land for their bases without the consent of the landowners. People criticized the Japanese government that accepted the confiscation by the US Forces by bulldozers and armed violence. The government tried to complete all contracts in the prescribed period of five years, but found itself in a bizarre situation because of the resistance put up by the anti-war landowners. They refused to sign the contracts, and so the U.S. occupation of their land areas lost legal grounds. May 15, 1977 was the last day of the term of the legislation, and the Diet was in a chaotic situation over what to do with this issue. The landowners picketed the US bases and those of the Self Defense Forces in Okinawa. The SDF having lost the legal base had to open their base gates to the proper owners. The landowners since their land was confiscated in 1945, were able to touch it after 32 years. They touched the land, enjoyed picnic lunch and felt as if the long lost children suddenly had come back to them. The US opened gates in some bases. The proper owners entered there and planted vegetables. They had been their farmlands before confiscation. US soldiers stood by watcging. The situation in Kadena Base, the largest in Far East, was different. The gates were firmly closed and refused the entry of the landowners. The illegal occupation lasted four days. The Japanese Diet, once again ignoring the will of the landowners, extended the term of the law. The landowners felt that they had done something important to neutralize Japan-US Security Treaty. Their struggle based on their conviction that no piece of land should be rented for war had a strong impact on both governments. The experience of the Four Days consolidated the anti-war struggle of Okinawa.

The anti-war landowners have since been under the tenacious pressure of the government to change their attitude. The struggle continues at the court but the judicial system of this country is also hard on people who demand justice. The number of anti-war landlords has visibly decreased since. To support the remaining anti-war landowners, the Association of One-Tsubo Landowners has been formed. Their struggle continues.

　

4. Wars in which Bases in Okinawa were Used as Mission Launching Bases

Korean War, Vietnam War, Gulf War, Invasion of Afghanistan, and Iraq War. (During the occupation of the U.S. Embassy in Iran, C-130 Transport planes were sent from Okinawa in the hostage rescue operation. The mission was a failure).


Violence against Women under Long-Term U.S Military Station in Okinawa

Suzuyo Takazato (Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence)



1. Impacts on Women and Children by the US Military Bases in the Community

The Status of Forces Agreement stipulated in the Article 6 of the US-Japan Security Treaty assures favorable conditions of US military personnel including freedom of movement outside the bases. The US military bases occupy about 20% of the main island of Okinawa where 27,000 soldiers are stationed together with their families and dependents of more than 20,000. Their military training, lives, education opportunities and recreations are safely provided on the bases guarded by the fences and gates. Contrary to their assured safety, lives of women and children of local community have been targeted of violence for the past 58 years.


A. The end of WWII (1945) to the eve of Korean War – Rampant and indiscriminate crimes against women

When the Battle of Okinawa, a fierce battle described as “ iron storm” was over, the US soldiers started to randomly attack women in Okinawa.

1.

Two to six soldiers abduct one woman at gun or knife point.
2.

After gang-raping a victim, she would often be given to other groups of soldiers to gang-rap.
3.

Soldiers did not hesitate to kill or severely injure those who tried to help victims.
4.

Assaults can happen any places including in the field, on streets, around wells, by the water, in front of families.
5.

Assaults often showed brutality. Women with infants on her back were raped and killed. Victims’ ages range from 9 months old to 60’s.
6.

Victims gave birth. In the four years after the end of the World War II, 450 children were identified to have been fathered by the GIs.
7.

Perpetrators were mostly not apprehended, left unpunished.

B. Vietnam War – Violence was turned to women working around the bases.

Women working around the bases were often the target of violence by the soldiers who returned from the battle fields of the Vietnam War. They brought back fear and anger from the battle fields. Rape cases were rampant. Three to four women were strangled to death yearly. In the survey conducted in 1969, about 7,400 women worked in the sex industry. These women earned dollars in the still economically poor society. They were forced to sell sex because of a large amount of loan imposed on them in the forced managed prostitution. Many of these women experienced to be nearly strangled to death more than once, experience that left many of them suffering from trauma.


C. Present: date rape―“consensual” violence

After the end of the Vietnam War, the US military changed its policy from drafting to volunteer. In reality, however, volunteer only induced “poverty draft” in which poor population such as African American and Hispanic increased. The economic power declined. The rape by three US soldiers in September, 1995 shows a close proximity between the bases and local communities. Soldiers meet women at night clubs or at the beach, invite them to the bases where they can go shopping at PX for better prices. They invite them to their luxurious apartments on the bases which was build by the “sympathy” budget that the Japanese government provides This is how the crime of “date rapes” are committed now, in the disguise of “consensus.”


2. Impacts of September 11 Incident

As the training and security of the bases intensified, crimes committed by the US soldiers increased after 9.11. Changes within the operation caused by the Wars on Afghanistan and Iraq clearly have affected their transfer and training. For example, in the rape and assault case in August 2003, the perpetrator could have gone back to the US had there been no war, but his station was extended by 6 months, during the time, he committed the crime.


3. The Most Serious Concerns Faced by the Cmmunity

1.

Sixty percent of the US military stationed in Okinawa consists the Marine Corps. Eighty percent of the Marines are young soldeirs, between 18 to 22 years old, who are stationed in Okinawa for only 6 months. Sixty percent of the crimes by the US military is committed by the Marines. They bring young women to the bases easily where more crimes are committed. Contrary to increased poverty among young soldiers, they enjoy luxurious facilities built by the sympathy budge of the Japanese government. Current conditions make it more difficult for victims to accuse perpetrators.
2.

In recent cases, perpetrators of assaults and attempted assaults tend to be increasingly confrontational at trials. In the assault case of June 2001, in which a soldier raped an Okinawan woman at a parking lot of a commercial area, the perpetrator, a special service unit soldier, who has been stationed in Okinawa for four years, never withdrew his insistence on “consensual sex.” The verdict of the Japanese court admitted the victim’s assertion that she was raped, yet, the difficulty faced by the victim in this case implies a possibility of unwillingness of victims to come forward fearing retaliation by the US military.


4. Local Initiatives

Okinawa Woman Act Against Military Violence have engaged in our own activities as well as solidarity actions with “the citizens coalition to remove US bases from Okinawa and to achieve world peace” to which over 30 groups belong.

Achievements

o

Women’s transnational networks have developed such as East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women’s Network against Militarism. This is a movement of women from the United States, the country who sends the troops, and women from host nations of the US troops have worked together to create authentic security system from a perspective of the human rights of women and children, criticizing militarized security.
o

We have gained deeper and wider recognition of the relationship of violence against women in war time, in the present conflicts, under long-term military station, and around the military bases through working with women in VAWW-NET, International Women’s Tribunal on Military Sexual Slavery Japan held in December 2000, Public Hearing on Crimes Against Women in Recent Wars and Conflicts also held in December 2000.
o

Due to our actions, the video-link system and supporter system when a victims of sexual violence testifies was adopted at the court.
o

Younger generations of women have developed community activities.

Issue and Analysis

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After 9.11, militarization has been accelerated by the military attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq by the United States. This situation goes against our hope for a world of non-violence and peaceful coexistence. The presence of US military in Okinawa could be even more solidified by the “carrots and stick” of the Japanese government policies: Stick being the Special Measures Law on the land use of the US military that justifies originally unlawful expropriation of the land; carrot being government subsidies to local communities. Militarization of daily lives has also been accelerated.
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Existing movements should be further pursued. Also, community development under local initiative, address to create a sustainable coexisting society with respect to diversity should be pursued.

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We shall seek for revising SOFA and the US-Japan Security Treaty from a gender perspective. Revising SOFA does not mean acceptance of the US bases on our land. It is to limit violation of the human rights of women and children by the military. If the SOFA should be truly equal between the US and Japan, the bases should not be able to exit. The unequal treatment due to the difference between jurisdictions of the US and Japan should be eliminated.

=== Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence ===